1 Dr Tan Wu Meng asked the Minister for Health (a) whether the Ministry tracks the number of vaping cases referred to the Health Sciences Authority (HSA) by the Police; (b) if so, what are the number such cases in 2023 and 2024 respectively; (c) how many of such cases arise from parents referring their own children to the Police; (d) what is the approach by HSA to such referrals; and (e) what help is available to parents who are worried that their children are vaping.
\tThe Minister of State for Health (Ms Rahayu Mahzam) (for the Minister for Health): Mr Speaker, the Health Sciences Authority (HSA) received about 4,000 and 5,000 cases involving possession or usage of e-vaporisers from the Singapore Police Force over the past two years. In these two years, only one of these cases was a parent referring his child to the Police for vaping. For this case, the person was issued with a warning instead of a composition fine and referred to the Health Promotion Board (HPB) for counselling.
Parents who are concerned that their children are vaping can call the HPB QuitLine for a referral to HPB’s smoking and vaping cessation service. No enforcement action will be taken against the children.
\tMr Speaker: Dr Tan.
\tDr Tan Wu Meng (Jurong): Mr Speaker, I thank the Minister of State for her answer. My Clementi residents shared with me that they discovered their child was vaping. Because they did not know what to do, they brought their child to the nearest Police station. The Police referred the case to HSA and the child was issued with a $300 fine for vaping. The parents were distressed and concerned, and worried that this approach, however well-meant by the agencies, might discourage parents from getting their children help.
Can I ask the Minister of State two supplementary questions? Firstly, how closely does HSA work with the Police when a parent reports their child for vaping to a Police station? Because sometimes, parents may not be aware of what is the optimal channel. Secondly, do we know, for such cases, whether the Police when they update HSA, do they inform HSA that it was a parent who was concerned and thereby, highlighting the child's situation so that the agencies can take an appropriate approach, rather than levying a fine on a child because the parent was trying to get help for the child?
\tMs Rahayu Mahzam: Mr Speaker, I thank the Member for his questions and for raising this issue. Indeed, for that particular case, because the Member had raised it to us, we managed to remediate the situation and addressed the situation accordingly. In general, we do take a very nuanced approach with regard to a voluntary situation where they want to stop vaping and the parents bring the child forward. Typically, for this kind of situations, it will be flagged to HSA and we will then issue vaping counselling to the child, issue a warning instead.
These are situations where we would need to continue addressing. What I would advise parents, if they are faced with a situation where they suspect their children of vaping, please use the HPB hotline to get them some help, and appropriate support will be given to the children. For those situations where there is an aberration and the matter is reported to the Police, please let us know if there are some difficulties. As mentioned in my earlier answer, it was only one case that we are aware of where the parents reported to the Police. In that case, a warning was issued instead.
If Members are aware of certain circumstances where the parents have approached the Police instead and some fines are issued, you could highlight that case to us. What we want to do is to have a nuanced approach where we are supportive of parents who want to help their children cease vaping.
\tMr Speaker: Dr Lim Wee Kiak.
\tDr Lim Wee Kiak (Sembawang): Can I ask, in light of the fact that we have a smoking cessation clinic, is there a vaping cessation clinic, whereby the public can surrender themselves and say, \"I have been vaping. I wish to have some help\"? And how does the Ministry of Health (MOH) handle this?
\tMs Rahayu Mahzam: Like the smoking hotline, you can call HPB for their hotline and you can specify that it is an issue of vaping cessation, and the same support will be given to the individual who wishes to cease vaping.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Strength of Correlation between PSLE Scores and Socio-economic Status over the Years","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"OA","content":"
2 Mr Louis Ng Kok Kwang asked the Minister for Education (a) whether the correlation between PSLE results and socio-economic status has strengthened or weakened in the past three years; and (b) what further plans does the Ministry have to reduce this correlation.
\tThe Senior Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Education (Mr Shawn Huang Wei Zhong) (for the Minister for Education): The correlation between the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE) results and socio-economic status (SES) has remained stable over the past three years.
The Ministry of Education (MOE) is committed to ensuring that our education system provides opportunities for all students to develop to their full potential, regardless of their backgrounds. Our lower-SES students have done well by international standards. Based on Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development's (OECD's) Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2022, our students from the bottom-25% SES outperformed the average OECD student in all core domains of Reading, Mathematics and Science, and in Creative Thinking.
We will continue with the following efforts to uplift our lower-SES students.
First, we will continue to build a strong foundation in the early years, both in preschool and at home. We have significantly enhanced the accessibility, affordability and quality of preschools, particularly through government-supported operators. Targeted programmes, such as KidSTART, also support parents from eligible lower-income families with the skills and knowledge to support their child’s development.
Second, MOE will continue to provide additional support to students with higher educational needs through programmes during or after school, both in academic and social-emotional development. For example, primary schools provide targeted academic intervention for students who need more support to strengthen foundational skills in literacy and numeracy. This includes the Learning Support Programme, Reading Remediation Programme and Learning Support for Mathematics. Schools also run programmes to strengthen students’ social and emotional skills, such as goal-orientation, growth mindset and motivation.
Third, we will continue to enhance wraparound support for disadvantaged students. We work closely with community partners to provide targeted programmes such as interest-based activities to impart good values, life skills and habits.
We also provide schools with additional manpower, guidance and teaching resources via UPLIFT Enhanced School Resourcing (UESR). Having observed improvements in students' attendance, behaviour and progression, we have doubled the number of primary schools receiving these additional resources over the past two years.
Addressing social mobility requires a whole-of-society effort. While MOE will continue to work closely with the community and stakeholders in this endeavour, we call on all Singaporeans to share your resources and networks, recognise a diversity of skills and talents, and do your part to uplift those who are less endowed.
\tMr Speaker: Mr Louis Ng.
\tMr Louis Ng Kok Kwang (Nee Soon): Thank you, Sir. And I thank the Senior Parliamentary Secretary for the reply. I think in reply to my Parliamentary Question (PQ) quite a number of years back, MOE share that there is a positive correlation, which means that students from lower SES are doing not as well in their PSLE as compared to students from higher SES.
So, I know the Senior Parliamentary Secretary has listed a whole range of programmes and outreach we have done to try and help these students from lower SES. But if the correlations still exist, I am just wondering what else is MOE going to do to address this to try and at least lower the correlation or make sure that it does not exist in the first place?
\tMr Shawn Huang Wei Zhong: I thank Mr Louis Ng for his supplementary question on that. I think, firstly, it is important to make sure that we are able to identify the disadvantaged students who would need more support, and continue to concentrate on them. Take for example, at the start of primary school, some students who have not demonstrated certain age-appropriate literacy and numeracy skills. In those cases, the students with weak foundations would then be supported by programmes, such as Learning Support for English and Mathematics.
Schools themselves, teachers, school leaders will also have to proactively reach out to students with disadvantaged backgrounds. As the Member said, the correlation already exists, we know which are the target groups, we should focus our attention and resources in those areas. And some of them may not just need academic support in particular, but also non-academic support. For example, schools would proactively identify students would benefit most from, let us say, student care centres, where they will encourage and support families to enrol their children to be part of these student care centres.
In addition, for families under ComLink, there are also dedicated family coaches under the Social Service Offices, where they provide targeted support in co-developing, certain customised action plans, with regard to the background of the family, restrictions and all, and that is where we can start some of our work. And hopefully with those collective efforts, we are able to uplift this group of students.
Mr Speaker: Ms Hazel Poa.
\tMs Hazel Poa (Non-Constituency Member): Does each and every school measure the correlation between academic results and SES? And if so, where can we find that information?
\tMr Shawn Huang Wei Zhong: Thank you to Ms Hazel Poa for the follow-up question. Mainly at the broad and the entire national cohort level, for students from lower-income households, as proxied from the MOE Financial Assistance Scheme, the range of results is large, but over the past few years, the median PSLE score has been very stable.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Number of Singaporeans and PRs Overseen by Each Social Service Office","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"OA","content":"3 Mr Pritam Singh asked the Minister for Social and Family Development in respect of each of the Social Service Offices (SSOs) (a) how many Singaporeans and Permanent Residents (PRs) who come under their geographical purviews respectively are recipients of ComCare Short-to-Medium Term Assistance and Long-Term Assistance, respectively, as of 31 December 2024; and (b) what is the total population of Singaporeans and PRs that each of the SSOs oversee for their respective geographical areas.
\tThe Senior Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social and Family Development (Mr Eric Chua) (for the Minister for Social and Family Development): Sir, in 2024, each Social Service Office (SSO) town assisted an average of around 1,000 Singaporean and Permanent Resident (PR) households with either ComCare Short-to-Medium Term Assistance (SMTA) or Long Term Assistance (LTA). Each SSO town has an average of around 61,000 households.
Mr Speaker: Mr Pritam Singh.
\tMr Pritam Singh (Aljunied): Thank you to the Senior Parliamentary Secretary for the reply. Can I just enquire, for the geographical areas covered by these SSOs that showed the highest number of households requiring SMTA and LTA, does the Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) publish this SSO-specific information on its website, and is there any reason why it does not do so?
The second question is with regard to the assistance, I understand there is income guideline which is $800 per capita. And I understand even if the individual who comes to the SSO exceeds this guideline, SSO will still make an assessment. Can the Senior Parliamentary Secretary confirm what percentage of households, who have successfully applied for SMTA, what is that number even though they may have surpassed the $800 per capita income requirement?
\tMr Eric Chua: Sir, I thank the Leader of the Opposition for his additional questions on SSO-town specific data. We do not publish that. We track the statistics at the national level. As to why we do not publish that, I think that there are some variabilities across towns, for instance, based on the demographic growth profiles of each town's population, there might be some differences in terms of those who qualify for LTA vis-a-vis those who qualify for SMTA for instance. But generally, we do not see a large standard deviation across towns with regard to those who qualify for SMTA and LTA.
As to the second supplementary question, I would encourage the Member to file another Parliamentary Question, because I do not have the statistics with me at this moment.
Mr Speaker: Mr Singh.
\tMr Pritam Singh: Just a quick follow-up to the Senior Parliamentary Secretary. MSF released a report just two-odd months ago, \"Supporting Low-income Household Trends report\", I think there is some data. But again, the data is, as the Senior Parliamentary Secretary said, at the national level.
There is some discrepancy between the data of SMTA and the amount of money that has been extended to Singaporeans who apply for that, the SMTA, through the years. So, for example, the annual report in 2022, reported that number that was disbursed comes up to $119 million. That is for SMTA. It is at page six of the report. But in the trends report, that number comes down to $112 million, and the number of households increases for 2022.
So, I hope the Senior Parliamentary Secretary can clarify that, perhaps if not at this session, but perhaps during the Committee of Supply.
\tMr Eric Chua: Sir, I thank the Member for his additional questions. We will clarify during the Committee of Supply debates.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Restrictions for Use of DeepSeek by Public Officers","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"OA","content":"4 Mr Gerald Giam Yean Song asked the Minister for Digital Development and Information (a) whether the Government is considering restrictions on the use of DeepSeek by public officers, similar to bans imposed by some other countries on its use on Government devices; (b) if not, what factors justify a different approach in Singapore; and (c) how does the Government determine which AI models are deemed secure enough for public sector use.
\tThe Senior Minister of State for Digital Development and Information (Dr Janil Puthucheary) (for Minister for Digital Development and Information): Sir, the Government has policies, frameworks and processes to guide the use of technology in the public sector, including emerging technologies like artificial intelligence (AI). This allows us to evaluate the suitability of technologies for different use cases, based on factors such as performance, security and resilience. This enables public sector agencies to use innovative technologies effectively while ensuring the security and reliability of government operations and functions.
We regularly review and update our policies to address the evolving technological landscape and security considerations.
Mr Speaker: Mr Giam.
\tMr Gerald Giam Yean Song (Aljunied): Sir, I thank the Senior Minister of State for his reply. I note that he did not address my question regarding DeepSeek. I would appreciate if he could address that more directly.
Secondly, I some supplementary questions for him. I understand that the Government has developed Pair, which is a suite of AI tools that utilise large language models for internal use within the Public Service. Could the Senior Minister of State clarify if Pair is primarily using locally deployed open source models or does it connect to commercial AI platforms, like ChatGPT and DeepSeek that process data on foreign servers?
\tDr Janil Puthucheary: Sir, I thank Mr Giam for his questions. The Government does not generally comment on specific commercial products. We advise companies to evaluate products on their own merits and the risks of use, including their compliance with relevant laws.
Pair does indeed access large language models, but it does not access only one. The specific details of Pair, I do not have them on hand. If Mr Giam is interested in the technical details, I would be happy to follow up with him offline or he can file a subsequent Parliamentary Question.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Revitalising Singapore's Nightlife Offerings to Boost Tourism and Local Spending in the Sector","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"OA","content":"5 Mr Yip Hon Weng asked the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Trade and Industry (a) whether the Ministry has any strategies to revitalise Singapore's nightlife offerings and businesses as part of the overall tourism product; and (b) how will these strategies also encourage local spendings in this sector.
\tThe Minister of State for Trade and Industry (Mr Alvin Tan) (for the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Trade and Industry): Sir, the Singapore Tourism Board (STB) profiles local bars, bartenders, homegrown distilleries and breweries to showcase Singapore’s diverse and innovative beverage scene. STB also collaborates with nightlife businesses to leverage STB-supported events, such as iLight Singapore, Light to Night Festival, Grand Prix Season Singapore and others to create promotions or special experiences to attract both local consumers and visitors.
Mr Speaker: Mr Yip.
\tMr Yip Hon Weng (Yio Chu Kang): Thank you, Mr Speaker. I thank the Minister of State for his reply. The nightlife industry is heavily dependent on service staff. But rising wages and difficulties in hiring locals have increased the business costs. So, what measures are in place to help these businesses address manpower constraints, such as perhaps a flexible work schemes, training grants or adjustments to foreign manpower policies.
\tMr Alvin Tan: Sir, I thank Mr Yip for his supplementary questions. We have been working very closely with the Singapore Nightlife Business Association (SNBA) during COVID and during the period of recovery. So, for example, during COVID, we worked closely on providing support including financial support, grants and wage support as well. In the immediate post-COVID, there was a bump in nightlife businesses as restrictions were lifted and now, there are the challenges that Mr Yip had raised. And in fact, last night, I was speaking to the SNBA and we were discussing some of these challenges. They have raised what the Member had raised with regard to costs, wages, but as well as consumer behaviour trends that have been changed over the course of the COVID pandemic. That is not just confined to Singapore, but also in countries, such as the United States and Japan, where people are working from home more, they are a little bit more health conscious and they go online more for different entertainment options. So, these are some trends with regard to nightlife and also with regard to cost issues.
At the same time, the Government is supporting on a few different fronts. The first is on making sure that the nightlife scene is vibrant. Second is on transformation. And third, is on workers. STB and Enterprise Singapore, for example, work on continually having new products and services to liven up and make our nightlife scene more vibrant. For the transformation of the sector, Enterprise Singapore works closely with SNBA and other players. And for workers, they have been working together with Workforce Singapore.
Sir, I will discuss and share more about our tourism performance in the Ministry of Trade and Industry's Committee of Supply and how we continue to inject vibrancy into our tourism sector and our nightlife. But I wanted to assure the Member that we have indeed been working very closely with SNBA, through meetings. And we will be organising more later this month to factor in their feedback as well as their suggestions.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Unintended Release of Information Regarding Three-year Lock-in Period for New Vehicles Bought for Private-hire Purposes","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"OA","content":"6 Ms Hazel Poa asked the Minister for Transport (a) what are the circumstances that led to the unintended release of the information on the new mandatory three-year lock-in period for vehicles registered as business-owned private-hire cars, (b) whether an investigation will be conducted into this incident, and (c) whether any steps will be taken to prevent its recurrence.
\tThe Senior Minister of State for Transport (Dr Amy Khor Lean Suan) (for the Minister for Transport): Mr Speaker, the Land Transport Authority (LTA) had earlier explained why it brought forward the implementation of a mandatory three-year lock-in period for all newly registered or converted business-owned chauffeured private hire cars (PHCs) in its news release on 19 February 2025. Let me recap the key points.
LTA had originally planned to announce this policy change during the Ministry of Transport's (MOT’s) Committee of Supply (COS) debate in March 2025, as part of an update on our review of the point-to-point transport sector. However, LTA had to bring forward the implementation date due to an unintentional error by its system vendor NCS.
The team from NCS, who was working on the IT system changes, made a deployment error, resulting in the message regarding the lock-in period being prematurely revealed to some users before the planned announcement date. The mistake was due to human error. NCS has taken steps to prevent a recurrence.
When MOT and LTA found out on 18 February that the information was prematurely revealed to some users, we decided to make a public announcement on the policy change on 19 February morning. This was because there was an ongoing Certificate of Entitlement (COE) bidding exercise from 17 February to 19 February, and we wanted to ensure fairness and transparency to all parties and allow bidders sufficient time to decide whether to adjust their bids, before the bidding cycle closed at 4.00 pm on 19 February.
Mr Speaker, three other Members, namely Ms Mariam Jaafar, Mr Dennis Tan and Mr Yip Hon Weng, have filed questions on the lock-in period for business-owned chauffeured PHCs for subsequent Sittings. MOT will be sharing more details regarding the review of the point-to-point transport sector at the upcoming COS debate and we will address their questions then.
Mr Speaker: Ms Poa.
\tMs Hazel Poa (Non-Constituency Member): I think the Senior Minister of State for her reply. Is the Senior Minister of State able to share what steps NCS has taken to prevent a recurrence? And has there been any impact on the execution of this policy due to the implementation being earlier than planned?
\tDr Amy Khor Lean Suan: I thank the Member for the supplementary question. As I noted earlier in my reply, this was a deployment error. NCS had acknowledged and taken responsibility for the error. The deployment error occurred when the system changes were being deployed to the production environment, that is the actual system. The lines of code for program to control when this lock-in period message will be displayed and to which users, were actually not deployed. So, it resulted in the premature display of this lock-in period message to users who were using the digital service for the relevant vehicle transactions.
When this error was discovered, NCS has taken various steps to prevent the recurrence of this error. Firstly, they have implemented additional checks both before and after the code merging deployment. They have also put in place a buddy system with a senior developer to check on the works or to review the works that were done.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Treatment of Essential Occupiers in HDB Flats as Similar to Owners for Fulfillment of Minimum Occupation Period","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"OA","content":"7 Assoc Prof Jamus Jerome Lim asked the Minister for National Development (a) what is the justification for treating essential occupiers of HDB flats similar to HDB owners with respect to having to fulfil the minimum occupation period for purchase of private property, while treating such essential occupiers as non-owners for liability for Additional Buyer’s Stamp Duty; and (b) whether the Ministry will consider harmonising the treatment of essential occupiers in both cases.
The Second Minister for National Development (Ms Indranee Rajah): Mr Speaker, the Minimum Occupation Period (MOP) ensures that Housing and Development Board (HDB) flats are purchased for owner occupation. While essential occupiers are not flat owners, they form part of the core family nucleus that determines the household’s eligibility to own an HDB flat. For example, when a married couple buys an HDB flat, both of them must be listed in the flat application in order to form the core family nucleus. HDB allows both of them to be listed as co-owners, or one of them as owner and the other as an essential occupier. Hence, essential occupiers are required to fulfil the MOP before they can purchase a private residential property. However, essential occupiers are not allowed to use their Central Provident Fund (CPF) or any housing grant received to pay for the flat. They also cannot be a mortgagor of the housing loan for the flat.
The Additional Buyer’s Stamp Duty (ABSD) was introduced as a cooling measure to moderate investment demand in private residential property and promote a sustainable market. Broadly speaking, ABSD is applied based on the buyer’s profile and the number of residential properties the buyer owns. As essential occupiers do not own their HDB flat, it is not included in their residential property count. Hence, they do not incur ABSD if they are Singapore Citizens buying their first private residential property after MOP. Permanent Residents (PRs) and foreigners will incur ABSD.
As shared previously in this house, the vast majority of married couples buy HDB flats as co-owners. Only a small number list a spouse as an occupier, often for practical reasons with no intention to invest in a private residential property after fulfilling MOP. For example, a non-resident, married to a Singapore Citizen, cannot be an owner of an HDB flat, and will have to be listed as an essential occupier.
We will remain watchful of market trends and adjust our policies where needed, to ensure that the property market remains stable and sustainable.
Mr Speaker: Assoc Prof Lim.
\tAssoc Prof Jamus Jerome Lim (Sengkang): I thank Minister Indranee for the explanation. The thrust of my question, the context is in part because of the increasing trend of couples that are getting older before they finally get married. As a result, some of these may end up being married with already substantial independent assets, which could include a private property. When they get married, if they do not have enough resources to purchase a larger private property, they hope to purchase an HDB, but instead, they are forced to sell off these independent assets that they would have acquired over the course of their professional careers.
So, I am wondering if there is some scope for these kinds of individuals who do get married later, entering the marriage already with significant independent assets, whether there could be some waiver for these kind of MOP requirements.
\tMs Indranee Rajah: If there are instances of specific hardship, they can write in and appeal. The Ministry of National Development and HDB will consider on the merits. But the broad general policy principle which I have outlined does remain the principle underpinning the policy.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Increasing Quantum of Rebates under Electric Vehicle Early Adoption Incentive Scheme and Extending the Scheme","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"OA","content":"8 Mr Louis Ng Kok Kwang asked the Minister for Transport whether the Ministry will consider increasing the quantum of rebates provided under the Electric Vehicle Early Adoption Incentive scheme and extending the scheme to the end of 2026.
Mr Speaker: Senior Minister of State Amy Khor, I hope it is a short answer.
\tThe Senior Minister of State for Transport (Dr Amy Khor Lean Suan) (for the Minister of Transport): Today, it is really a short answer; just two paragraphs, Mr Speaker, Sir.
The Electric Vehicle Early Adoption Incentive (EEAI) scheme was introduced in 2021 to encourage adoption of electric cars by narrowing the upfront cost gap between electric and internal combustion engine (ICE) cars. Adoption of electric cars has been increasing – last year, around one third of new car registrations were electric cars.
We will review the EEAI later this year, taking into consideration factors such as EV adoption rates and upfront cost difference across powertrains.
Mr Speaker: Order. End of Question Time. The Clerk will now proceed to read the Orders of the day.
[Pursuant to Standing Order No 22(3), provided that Members had not asked for questions standing in their names to be postponed to a later Sitting day or withdrawn, written answers to questions not reached by the end of Question Time are reproduced in the Appendix.]
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Supplementary Estimates of Expenditure for the Financial Year 1 April 2024 to 31 March 2025","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"OS","content":"[(proc text) Order read for consideration in Committee of Supply [Allotted Day]. (proc text)]
[Mr Speaker in the Chair]
The Chairman: Supplementary Estimates of Expenditure for the financial year 1 April 2024 to 31 March 2025, contained in Paper Cmd 33 of 2025. As there are no amendments, I propose to take the Heads of Expenditure en bloc. I will first take Heads E, J, M, P, Q, T, W and Z of the Supplementary Main Estimates.
[(proc text) Question, \"That the sums stated for the Heads of Expenditure as shown on page 6 of Paper Cmd 33 of 2025 stand part of the Supplementary Main Estimates,\" put and agreed to. (proc text)]
The Chairman: I will now take the Supplementary Development Estimates. In respect of the Supplementary Development Estimates, they are Heads E, J, L, P, W and X.
[(proc text) Question, \"That the sums stated for the Heads of Expenditure as shown on page 9 of Paper Cmd 33 of 2025 stand part of the Supplementary Development Estimates,\" put and agreed to. (proc text)]
[(proc text) Question, \"That the sum of $3,883,986,000 shall be supplied to the Government under the Heads of Expenditure for the public services shown in the Supplementary Main Estimates of Expenditure for the financial year 1 April 2024 to 31 March 2025, contained in Paper Cmd 33 of 2025,\" put and agreed to. (proc text)]
[(proc text) Question, \"That the sum of $376,273,500 shall be supplied to the Government under the Head of Expenditure for the public services shown in the Supplementary Development Estimates of Expenditure for the financial year 1 April 2024 to 31 March 2025, contained in Paper Cmd 33 of 2025,\" put and agreed to. (proc text)]
[(proc text) Resolutions to be reported. (proc text)]
Mr Speaker: Second Minister for Finance.
The Second Minister for Finance (Mr Chee Hong Tat): Mr Speaker, I report that the Committee of Supply has come to certain resolutions.
[(proc text) First Resolution reported, (proc text)]
[(proc text) \"That the sum of $3,883,986,000 shall be supplied to the Government under the Heads of Expenditure for the public services shown in the Supplementary Main Estimates of Expenditure for the financial year 1 April 2024 to 31 March 2025, contained in Paper Cmd. 33 of 2025.\" (proc text)]
[(proc text) Second Resolution reported, (proc text)]
[(proc text) \"That the sum of $376,273,500 shall be supplied to the Government under the Head of Expenditure for the public services shown in the Supplementary Development Estimates of Expenditure for the financial year 1 April 2024 to 31 March 2025, contained in Paper Cmd. 33 of 2025.\" (proc text)]
Mr Speaker: Minister.
Mr Chee Hong Tat: Mr Speaker, I move, \"That Parliament doth agree with the Committee on the said resolutions.\"
[(proc text) Question put, and agreed to. (proc text)]
[(proc text) Resolutions accordingly agreed to. (proc text)]
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Estimates for the Financial Year 1 April 2025 to 31 March 2026","subTitle":"Committee of Supply – Paper Cmd 33 of 2025","sectionType":"OS","content":"[(proc text) Order read for consideration in Committee of Supply [2nd Allotted Day]. (proc text)]
[Mr Speaker in the Chair]
The Chairman: Head F, Parliament. Ms Sylvia Lim.
Ms Sylvia Lim (Aljunied): Chairman, I seek to move, “That the total sum to be allocated for Head F of the Estimates be reduced by $100”.
Sir, law students learn early that the separation of powers between the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary is the foundation of the rule of law. As such, I hope the House will agree with me that Parliament, as the primary organ of the Legislative Branch, must not only be able to discharge its law-making responsibilities, but also to ensure that the Government remains faithful to its duty to all Singaporeans.
Sir, to this end, I wish to reflect on my nearly 20 years in this House and highlight three areas where I believe we need to do better: first, on the way Parliamentary Questions are managed; second, on Parliament’s reputation as a law-making institution; and lastly, on the Presidential Council for Minority Rights (PCMR), which is a vital safeguard on Parliament.
First on Parliamentary Questions (PQs). PQs are a critical aspect of Government accountability, as they are the primary means by which Members of Parliament (MPs) can scrutinise the Government’s performance, as well as to reflect the concerns that are brought to us by our constituents.
To that end, it is notable that questions posed by MPs to one Ministry may be redirected to be answered by another Ministry, without prior reference to the MP. From my understanding, such redirection is done by the Government Ministries and not the Parliamentary staff.
Of course, sometimes the redirection is justified, such as when the MP may have inadvertently asked the question to the wrong Ministry, for example, questions about banks may be mistakenly filed with the Ministry of Finance (MOF) when the bank regulator, the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS), comes within the province of the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO).
However, it seems to me that questions may also be redirected simply because the Government finds it expedient to do so. This may undermine the main purpose of Question Time – Government accountability.
To take a recent example, the Leader of Opposition (LO) had in August last year filed a PQ to the Ministry of Transport (MOT) asking for the Land Transport Authority’s (LTA) assessment on the demand for bus services on the routes being plied by the special shuttle bus services at Marine Parade Group Representation Constituency. Even though his question asked for LTA’s assessment of transport needs, his question was redirected to the Ministry of Culture, Community and Youth (MCCY) without his input. When he rose to ask supplementary questions which were transport-related, the Minister of State for MCCY was unable to answer them and instead invited the LO to file a question with LTA instead, notwithstanding the fact that the LO had initially done so. While the Minister for Transport did step in shortly at that session to address the LO’s queries, the question still remains as to why a question posed to LTA was redirected to MCCY in the first place.
Sir, Question Time is precious. Limited to usually 90 minutes per Sitting. MPs compete to have their questions chosen for priority listing, failing which they either let it lapse for written answer or hope to have priority listing on another day. When a question is redirected to a Ministry that cannot address the MP’s concerns, the MP may face procedural objections to refiling it.
Moving forward, could MPs be consulted on any intended redirection of questions, so that our input can be taken into account?
Next, on the reputation of Parliament as an institution that makes laws prospectively and with advanced notice to the public before implementation. Sir, to this end, I believe the recent episode of the urgent Insurance (Amendment) Bill targeting the Income-Allianz deal may have dented Parliament’s reputation.
The Workers’ Party (WP) expressed serious misgivings about the proposed acquisition of Income Insurance by Allianz, but we did not support the Bill. As my party colleague, Ms He Ting Ru, had argued then, the legislation affected a live transaction and would undermine legal and business certainty that was critical to a business hub such as Singapore.
In that debate, Deputy Speaker Christopher de Souza opined that the Bill was a hybrid Bill. He explained that although the provisions of the Bill were drafted in general terms, it was clear that the Bill was, in substance, aimed at the proposed acquisition of Income by Allianz. Ordinarily, the Standing Orders would require that such a Bill be referred to a Select Committee for close scrutiny, since it affected prejudicially the rights of particular parties. But because a Certificate of Urgency was obtained, the Select Committee procedure was done away with. This deprived Parliament of the opportunity to hear from the affected parties themselves before passing the Bill.
Sir, while the circumstances may have required it, such Certificates of Urgency should be deployed as a last resort. For example, the urgent Bill could have been avoided had the lacuna in MCCY’s regulatory ambit been identified in 2022, when Income’s corporatisation exercise was approved.
Sir, this episode is a salient reminder of what is at stake – our reputation as a legislative body that respects the fundamental rights of the rule of law in the discharge of our responsibilities.
Finally, Sir, on the Presidential Council for Minority Rights (PCMR). In 1966, a Constitutional Commission was chaired by then Chief Justice Wee Chong Jin and it recommended the formation of the PCMR, which was established in 1970. Its role is to scrutinise Bills passed by Parliament for any differentiating measures that discriminate against any racial or religious community, and if so found, to refer the Bill back to Parliament for reconsideration. The PCMR was later entrusted with other functions as well.
The Wee Chong Jin Commission had recommended that the PCMR members be chosen from distinguished individuals who did not hold any political affiliation. It also recommended that members serve for fixed terms that could be renewed. However, these recommendations were not adopted and today, the PCMR is comprised of 18 members, five of whom are appointed permanently and for life.
I am very disturbed, Sir, that all five permanent members in the PCMR have been or still are Cabinet Ministers, including currently, Senior Minister Lee Hsien Loong and the incumbent Minister for Home Affairs and Law. Of the five, only Mr Abdullah Tarmugi and Mr S Dhanabalan received their permanent appointments after they left the Cabinet.
Sir, the WP values the check that the PCMR could provide against inadvertently discriminatory legislation. However, most of the Bills passed by Parliament are proposed by the Government, and yet the Bills are being sent for scrutiny by a PCMR consisting of life members of incumbent and former Cabinet Ministers. Is there not a conflict of interest here?
I must confess to be perplexed as to why Cabinet Ministers need to be appointed to the PCMR. If it is the case that the PCMR would benefit from hearing from the Government, the Prime Minister is already empowered to authorise any member of the Cabinet to participate in PCMR meetings, albeit without a vote.
Even so, it does not explain why they have to be appointed for life. Indeed, the PCMR is the only institution I am aware of where some members serve for life. Would it thus not be far superior to keep the PCMR as a council of distinguished citizens who are non-political individuals, on fixed terms, as recommended by the Wee Chong Jin Commission?
Sir, we should aim to build institutions that will see Singapore through over a long period of time. Whether or not it works today will not be indicative of whether it works tomorrow. And a system which entrenches the influence of members of former administrations, until quite literally, the day they die, in my opinion, is not a viable one.
The Chairman: Minister Indranee.
The Leader of the House (Ms Indranee Rajah): Mr Chairman, I thank the Member for her cut. She had three points.
One, on the way Question Time was managed, but essentially, that cut was really focused on redirection of questions; the second, was on the reputation of Parliament, but essentially, that focused, I think, more on Bills brought on an urgent basis, and Certificate of Urgency in the specific context of the NTUC-Allianz Bill; and the third, was on the PCMR, which actually does not quite fall into the gist of the cut that was filed, because it says, \"Question time and the legislative process need to be safeguarded and strengthened\". And I am afraid there was not sufficient indication that PCMR was going to be part of that.
But nevertheless, I will address the question as it has been presented and if there are any further details that are needed or if the Member thinks is not fully addressed, the Member can let me know.
So, let me deal first with redirection. At the at the end of the day, what is the purpose of PQs? The purpose of PQs is so that Members can ask questions about things and the Ministers can reply. It is really for the Government to assess and determine who would be in the best position to respond to the questions. And in some cases, MPs actually do address the question to the wrong Ministry.
For example, MOF frequently gets PQs on the MAS. MAS reports to the PMO, not to MOF. So, essentially, when the PQs come in, Parliament will look at that and they will send it to the Ministry that is named. And the Ministry that is named will have to look to see whether this is under the Ministry's purview or whether another Ministry is best-placed or is the policy owner or has the carriage of the operational aspects. So, that is something you should leave to the Government to determine.
It is not really for the MP to decide who has the relevant knowledge. It is for the Government, looking at the question, to determine who amongst us, who amongst the agencies and the Ministries is the one responsible or has the knowledge or is in the best position to respond. What is truly important, at the end of the day, is that the question is responded to. And that, effectively, is what is done.
Because no matter who the question is redirected to, which agency or which Ministry, there will be an answer provided. And if, at the end of the day, the answer from the Minister or Ministry is not sufficient, the MPs do have the opportunity to come back and to ask further questions in another PQ or on another occasion.
I think in the example that Ms Lim cited of the Leader of the Opposition's (LO's) PQ that was filed, addressed to the Ministry of Transport (MOT), asking for LTA's assessment. My understanding is that, the bus decision, in this particular case, was made by the People's Association (PA), not MOT or LTA. And it was, therefore, not for MOT to explain why the shuttle bus was launched, because that was a scheme done under PA. And PA is a statutory board that comes under MCCY. That is why the Minister for MCCY responded to that.
That said, I believe the Minister for Transport Chee Hong Tat did rise to clarify a point from LO as he had asked with respect to the Bus Connectivity Enhancement Programme, and that comes under MOT. So, because that one came under MOT, the Minister for Transport responded to that. So, that deals with the first issue, which is on redirection.
Then, the second thing on the reputation of Parliament, let me just say at the outset that actually just bringing a Bill quickly on a Certificate of Urgency is not the most important consideration when it comes to reputation of Parliament. The reputation of Parliament, what is most important is that MPs conduct themselves with the highest standards of conduct, with integrity, do not mislead people outside as to what happened in Parliament and also speak the truth to Parliament and its Committees.
Let me deal with the specific instance that Ms Lim raised. The issue that Ms Lim raised was Bills which are presented on an urgent basis. Our system ensures that Members do have sufficient time to review the Bills and to debate them robustly in this House. Bills are introduced at prior Sittings and as a general rule, there must be 10 clear days between the First and the Second Readings of a Bill. Hence, MPs generally have about a month to go through each Bill, which forms the basis of the Minister's Second Reading speech.
However, there may be situations where it is necessary for a Bill to be brought for Second Reading at short notice. Hence, our system also allows for a Bill to be presented under a Certificate of Urgency on the rare occasions when there is a need to do so. On the Bills that were presented under Certificates of Urgency during this term of Government, there was the COVID-19 Temporary Measures Bill and the three amendment Bills thereafter, as well as the other COVID-19-related Bills.
Then we had the one that Ms Lim talked about, which was the Insurance (Amendment) Bill in October 2024. The purpose of the Bill was to allow the Minister in-charge of MAS to impose conditions on an approval of an application to obtain effective control or become a substantial shareholder of a licensed insurer where a co-operative is concerned. This was necessary because the proposed deal by Allianz was under active consideration by NTUC Income shareholders at the time. A long duration between the First Reading and the Second Reading of the Bill, and thus, a delay in the amended law taking effect, would have given rise to even more uncertainty in the market and for the parties concerned. Minister Edwin Tong had explained this context in his Ministerial Statement when the Bill was introduced.
Sir, we will always respect and uphold due process in this House to ensure fairness and maintain trust in our institutions. But from time to time, there may be exceptional circumstances, such as in the case of the Allianz Bill, that call for us to be an agile legislature so that we can best serve Singaporeans. Measures, such as Certificates of Urgency, have been and will continue to be used sparingly and only when necessary.
I come now to the last point which Ms Lim raised, which I understand, really, to be an objection to the fact that the PCMR has certain permanent members. Sir, there is value in having members who have long experience. There is value in having members who are also members of Cabinet because they provide a certain perspective. There are other members, of course, who come in, and those members may change or provide other perspectives.
But what we try to do, particularly with minority rights, is to have a wide spectrum and a wide range. And it is important to remember, sometimes, that there are Bills which were passed, legislative provisions that were made because of a certain historical context. Therefore, having people who remember that context, who remember the original situation in which a certain legislative provision was provided or certain reasons why we did not put in legislative provisions, that is valuable and that is useful. So, I cannot see any objection to the composition of the PCMR in the terms suggested by Ms Lim.
The Chairman: Ms Lim.
Ms Sylvia Lim: Sir, how much time do I have?
The Chairman: I will give you some time, yes, but I hope not too long. We are actually approaching the end of guillotine time.
Ms Sylvia Lim: Okay, thank you, Sir. I have three clarifications for the Minister based on the three topics which are raised.
First, on the Government deciding which Ministry should answer the question, does the Leader of the House not agree that sometimes questions can cut across more than one Ministry and the MP actually would be the one to know what is the focus of the question. And, therefore, is it not possible for there to be a procedure where there is some loop back to the MP to ask the MP, \"Alright, we intend to redirect it to another Ministry. Do you have any concerns about it?\" Then, at least, our input can be taken into account. So, that is the first clarification.
The second topic I raised on legislative process, actually, I think the Leader of the House kind of missed the main issue, which was that, as pointed out by the Deputy Speaker at that Sitting, the Insurance (Amendment) Bill was a hybrid Bill that directly affected particular parties. And under the Standing Orders, it is supposed to be the norm that if there are such Bills, then a Select Committee has to be formed so that Parliament can hear directly from the affected parties on how the proposed Bill would affect them. In this situation, we are talking about a really important social issue and the MPs were deprived of that opportunity to hear from the parties because the Certificate of Urgency was issued. And therefore, the Bills were just passed without the Select Committee procedure being activated. So, I think, to that extent, Parliament has been prejudiced.
Last of all, about PCMR. Actually, what the Minister answered was already pre-empted in my speech. She said that having members with knowledge of why particular Bills were passed or the legislative history would be helpful to PCMR. But the Constitution already provides for the Prime Minister to appoint Ministers to attend PCMR meetings to give that perspective to PCMR members. So, there is no need for Ministers to be members of PCMR for their voices to be heard. Does she not agree with me that the system design, if PCMR is supposed to be an independent check on legislation, having Ministers on PCMR actually does not look quite right?
Ms Indranee Rajah: On the PCMR, I am not sure that the PCMR is set up as a check on the legislature. It is set up as a check to ensure that minority rights are addressed or thought about. Whether you appoint members or whether they are permanent members, the point is that, they have something valuable to contribute. So, I do not see the objection to having permanent members.
Then the second point on the legislative process and the Insurance (Amendment) Bill, I do take Miss Lim's point that, in the normal case, it would go to a Select Committee. But the Standing Orders also do provide that in an urgent case, that it need not go to a Select Committee. In other words, when the Standing Orders were designed, this was thought about. And you do anticipate that there may be such situations that are urgent. Because when we go to a Select Committee, it takes time.
And in this particular instance, given that there were concerns with the market, as I have explained, there was urgency to do it. And that is why a Certificate of Urgency was brought. So, in other words, it is not that every day we have Certificates of Urgency. In this particular instance, there was a need to do it quickly. And that was already explained by Minister Edwin Tong, so it is unnecessary for me to go into that in detail.
Then, on the last one about redirection, I think we would not want to put in place a process that for every single question that is filed, you have to go back to an MP and check what their underlying intent was. I mean, really, MPs, when they file their questions, should make their questions clear.
In the situation that Ms Lim describes, where the question is redirected and the Member feels that it should not be because the underlying intent was to ask the other Ministry something, the Member is always free to reach out to the relevant Minister and explain that. Actually, usually what happens is, when we get a PQ that is not very clear, the Ministries or either the Senior Parliamentary Secretary or the Minister of State will reach out to the MP to ask, \"What exactly are you asking here?\"
There have been cases where we have had to do that because the intent of the PQ is not clear. It does not happen all the time, but, sometimes, when the question is ambiguously worded, we do. In that instance, once we ascertain from the MP, what the real intent is, we can then decide whether to leave it with one Ministry or redirect it to another.
But on the face of it, questions ought to be clear if they are properly drafted. And if it is clear and it appears to us that this falls under the purview of a particular agency or Ministry, we will redirect it accordingly. Like I said, it is not as though the MP has no chance to come back and file a clearer PQ directed at the Ministry or agency that the Member wants. So, the MPs are not shut out.
The Chairman: Ms Lim, would you like to withdraw your amendment?
Ms Sylvia Lim: May I just make two quick points, Sir?
The Chairman: A very quick one. We are actually out of time.
Ms Sylvia Lim: Thank you, Sir, for your indulgence. Just to respond that under the Standing Orders, a Member may be precluded from filing a question again if it is deemed to have been fully answered. So, that decision, sometimes there is a tussle between the relevant officers and Members about this.
And last of all, regarding the urgency of the Insurance (Amendment) Bill, of course, to note that the deal has been aborted, so I do not know whether the parties felt that they were inadequately listened to, so I do not know the answer to that.
But, Sir, in any event, there are clearly many interesting issues that we can talk about Parliament and its functioning. And I would hope that there is common cause that all of us want Parliament to be effective. And with that, Sir, I back leave to withdraw my amendment.
The Chairman: Minister Indranee.
Ms Indranee Rajah: Mr Speaker, Sir, a very quick response. The first point that Ms Lim made was that because of the Standing Orders, which says that if a question has been answered fully, then you cannot bring it again.
But that is the point, because if the MP felt that this was supposed to have been addressed to another Ministry, it must follow that it was not answered fully, so then they can direct it to the other Ministry. [Interruption.]
And with respect to the last question, when she raised the issue of the deal being aborted and what the response was, this is a classic example of a question that should not be directed to me. That should instead go to Minister Edwin Tong. So, if the Member has any clarifications on that, that is something to be directed to Minister Edwin Tong.
[(proc text) Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. (proc text)]
[(proc text) The sum of $47,784,400 for Head F ordered to stand part of the Main Estimates. (proc text)]
[(proc text) The sum of $13,746,000 for Head F ordered to stand part of the Development Estimates. (proc text)]
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Committee of Supply – Head J (Ministry of Defence)","subTitle":"A united, safe and resilient nation in turbulent times","sectionType":"OS","content":"The Chairman: Mr Vikram Nair.
Mr Vikram Nair (Sembawang): Chairman, I seek to move, \"That the sum to be allocated for Head J of the Estimates be reduced by $100\".
Sir, 10 years ago, at the Shangri-La Dialogue 2015, also the year Singapore celebrated 50 years of Independence, Minister for Defence Dr Ng Eng Hen gave a speech titled \"New Century – New Players, New Rules?\". Within which, Dr Ng described the changing international order in the decades post-World War II, and how the United States (US) and the leading western powers reconstructed, rebuilt and redefined the international system after the war. The most important product of it all was a rules-based system to promulgate an international order for shared interest and mutual benefit.
While we have the same players and largely the same rules today, the rules based system and the alliances that formed post-World War II appears to be under threat.
The US, one of the architects of this system, seems to be re-evaluating its alliances under the current administration, starting with its trade relations with its North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) allies Mexico and Canada, as well as its trading relationship with Europe.
In the recent vote in the United Nations (UN), the US voted, along with Russia and North Korea, against a resolution put forward by its long-time European allies to condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine. This marks a rift between US and its European North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies.
We have yet to see the full impact of the new US administration's trade, economic and foreign policies, and what this means for international institutions and alliances, as well as for the US' role and presence here in the Asia Pacific.
China continues to grow as a power, both economically and militarily. Its rivalry with the US seems set to intensify on multiple fronts, with the latest salvos being a further round of tariffs against each other.
Closer to home, China continues its military exercises in the South China Sea and along the Taiwan Straits, areas that remain perennial sources of tension. Most recently, it conducted live firing naval exercises circumnavigating Australia, which has caused consternation for the Australians.
Globally, the two major conflicts continue to simmer. The Russia-Ukraine war continues, even as the US has engaged both parties, trying to facilitate some settlement. It appears, though, that despite being subject to an unlawful invasion by Russia, Ukraine may have to give up parts of its territory as part of any peace deal.
While there is a ceasefire in the Isreal-Hamas conflict at the moment, this appears tenuous, with both sides making allegations against the other for not having honoured the terms to ceasefire.
Against this backdrop, where collective security and the rules-based order appear to be fraying, the Ministry of Defence (MINDEF) and the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) will be important for Singapore's safety and security.
I would be grateful if the Minister can share, what is MINDEF's evaluation of the security situation in the world and the region, and its approach to the potential threats Singapore may face.
[(proc text) Question proposed. (proc text)]
Mr Desmond Choo (Tampines): Mr Chairman, in recent years, the global geopolitical environment has been plagued with uncertainty, heightened tensions and a clear weakening of international order. It has now been three years since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, in what was a clear and flagrant violation of sovereignty and territorial integrity. The war continues to escalate with ongoing clashes in the physical and cyber domain.
On the physical battlefield, Russia has occupied large swathes of Ukraine's eastern regions and is continuing its advance, with no end in sight. The cyber battlefield has also seen its shares of issues, with multiple attacks on critically important Ukrainian infrastructure since the start of the conflict. Nothing has been spared from this cyber warfare, from disinformation campaigns powered by artificial intelligence (AI) and deepfakes, to cyberattacks on Ukrainian governmental websites to missile strikes on Ukrainian data centres.
And yet, amidst the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine war, is also the devastating Israel-Hamas conflict. While temporary ceasefire has been agreed in January this year, allowing both sides to exchange hostages, the final outcome is still shrouded in uncertainty. This brief reprieve does not undo the months of conflict that have taken a catastrophic humanitarian toll, deepened global divisions and polarise countries along political, religious and ideological lines, to the detriment of social cohesion and harmony between the global citizenries. The conflict has also caused wider impact throughout the Middle East, drawing countries such as Iran, Lebanon and Yemen into the disarray.
Both conflicts have demonstrated how the nature of warfare continues to evolve. There have been significant advancements in emerging technologies, both in terms of conventional high-end capabilities, as well as low cost and dual-use technologies. The world is now a far more dangerous and uncertain place. To some, these conflicts may seem distant and far from our shores. However, it has had profound implications on both the international order, and can cause trickle-down effects on small nations like Singapore. It is important that we must continue to be vigilant, adaptable, integrating emerging technologies to build an SAF that can defend our sovereignty in times of need, and that is prepared for all contingencies on the modern battlefield.
Considering these recent developments in external security environment, can MINDEF share an update on its plans and priorities to strengthen the SAF, in line with SAF2040.
Mr Shawn Huang Wei Zhong (Jurong): At last year's Committee of Supply (COS) debate, the Minister for Defence said that a sustained defence spending was the most efficient and effective means of building a strong military over the long term. I agree. We cannot wait until conflict is at our doorstep before we upgrade our capabilities to defend ourselves. The SAF must continually build robust military capabilities to counter escalating threats in our increasingly volatile world.
Ongoing conflicts around the world show the uncertainty of our times. In particular, the war in Ukraine highlights the vulnerability of smaller states and how we need to be prepared. In December last year, NATO's Secretary-General Mark Rutte exalted NATO's European members to adopt a wartime mindset and increase their defence spending from 2% to 3% of their gross domestic product (GDP).
Asian countries have also been increasing their military capabilities and spending. At the start of 2024, the International Institute of Strategic Studies reported an expected growth of 4.2% in Asian defence spending, with China leading the way. Such spending patterns are testament to our troubled times. It is clear that defence remains a large and important area of investments in many parts of the world, and the SAF should similarly keep pace. Could MINDEF provide an update on the progress of SAF's acquisitions and capability development plans?
Mr Vikram Nair: Chairman, Singapore is a digital nation, with robust digital infrastructure and with people accessing a wide range of services through digital means, including communications, Government services, banking and ecommerce.
As both we and the world become increasingly interconnected and reliant on digital technology, we would also have new vulnerabilities that adversaries can exploit if we are not careful.
On the military front, cyberattacks can disrupt military command and control systems, intelligence and surveillance operations, even the functionality of weapons systems. In fact, the low cost of entry for cyber operations means anyone can engage in cyber warfare.
Unlike traditional military domains, where power is often correlated with economic resources and industrial capacity, the digital domain has very low barriers for entry. Determining the source of the attack can also be difficult and may hinder our responses, making it even more crucial for the military to develop sophisticated strategies to deal with them.
The pace of technological change in the digital domain is rapid and relentless. The military must continuously adapt to emerging technologies to stay ahead on our defence. On this note, I would like to seek an update on SAF's progress in addressing threats in the digital domain.
Mr Neil Parekh Nimil Rajnikant (Nominated Member): Mr Chairman, Sir, cyber threats pose a significant risk to the security and economic stability of nations, especially for a global hub like Singapore. We are vulnerable to cyber risks that can cripple critical networks, infrastructure and our economy. Such threats often transcend national borders and sectors. The interconnected nature of our modern world also means that a cyberattack in one area can quickly spread and escalate, causing widespread disruption and damage.
As the digital landscape evolves, so does the battlefield. The future of defence is no longer confined to traditional domains such as land, air, or sea; it now extends into the digital realm of cyberspace. In response to the increasing complexity of cyber threats, a growing number of militaries have established dedicated cyber units. I was heartened that the Digital and Intelligence Service (DIS) was established as the fourth service of the SAF in October 2022.
Notwithstanding, cyber defence is multifaceted, making it impossible for any single entity to tackle alone. Effective cyber defence requires a collaborative approach, one that leverages the collective expertise and resources of various stakeholders, in both public and private sectors. It is essential for the DIS to work closely with other agencies, sharing information, strategies and technologies to build a robust and resilient defence against cyber threats.
With this in context, I would like to ask the Minister for Defence how the DIS is partnering with other Government agencies to enhance our collective response to cyber threats and ensure the security of our nation's digital infrastructure.
Mr Vikram Nair: Chairman, one of the topics I have raised over the years in the COS debate has been the use of unmanned systems in warfare.
One of the perennial problems SAF faces is falling cohort sizes because of falling birthrates. This is a trend that is set to continue. Against this backdrop, unmanned systems provide a unique opportunity to be able to project force with less manpower.
For militaries, unmanned technologies can potentially improve operational efficiency through automating repetitive or high-risk tasks, such as using autonomous ground robots for battlefield surveillance or remotely-controlled robots to conduct dangerous bomb defusals.
More recently, I understand that AI simulators could allow soldiers to conduct drills multiple times in different variations within a short period of time, improving their learning and practice using the least amount of resources.
As unmanned technologies improve, we are also starting to see platforms that can also execute operations with greater precision and reliability. Some of us may know about the DJI, whose flagship drone, the DJI Matrice 350 RTK, is capable of surveying, mapping and doing infrastructure inspection with great precision. Other unmanned platforms can navigate challenging terrains and support complex logistical operations with minimal human intervention and supervision.
Conversely, unmanned platforms from potential aggressors, including non-state actors, also pose a new threat. The cost of using an aerial drone for an attack is relatively small and more difficult to detect, compared to say flying an aeroplane or launching a missile.
I would, therefore, like an update from the Minister for Defence on how the SAF has been integrating unmanned technologies into its training and operations and its plans on dealing with threats from unmanned technologies.
Mr Kwek Hian Chuan Henry (Kebun Baru): Chairman, the war in Ukraine has amply demonstrated that drones have fundamentally changed modern warfighting, with tactics surrounding drone deployment and countermeasures evolving rapidly every few months. Drones are now used for reconnaissance, precision strikes and even larger-scale swarm attacks, making them a key factor in asymmetrical warfare. Reports show that militaries worldwide are ramping up their drone operation industries, with the capacity to make and maintain drones in the thousands, if not millions.
Given the rapid pace of technology advancements, ongoing conflicts have shown the urgency of staying ahead in drone defence strategies. It is a challenge to develop and operate counter-drone defence systems that are cost-effective against these low-level, low-cost targets. In last year's COS debate, it was highlighted that SAF was going to set up groups to brainstorm and develop sustainable counter-measure responses to this growing threat.
Can MINDEF provide an update on the progress of these groups? How is SAF integrating lessons from recent conflicts into our own defence planning and what steps are being taken to ensure Singapore remains prepared against these emerging drone attacks and threats?
Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim (Chua Chu Kang): Chairman, we are witnessing the rapid rise of emerging and disruptive technologies from AI and quantum computing to advanced robotics and cyber warfare. These innovations hold immense potential, but also pose significant challenges, especially when it comes to military security. Emerging technologies are not just reshaping industries, they are changing the ways wars are fought. We now face the reality of adversaries using AI-driven drones, autonomous systems and cyberattacks to disrupt critical infrastructure, communication and defence mechanisms. Take, for example, the use of AI-enabled drones by various state and non-state actors. These drones are becoming an increasingly common weapon on the battlefield.
Ultimately, it is clear that staying ahead of disruptive technology will require not only technological innovation but also strategic foresight and adaptability. Given the rapidly changing technological environment, what are MINDEF and SAF doing to guard against these emerging and disruptive technology that can be used on the battlefield? Our ability to manage, control and protect against these technologies will define the future of warfare and how we defend Singapore.
Mr Alex Yam (Marsiling-Yew Tee): Mr Chairman, rigorous and realistic training for our SAF is of utmost importance. As General Norman Schwarzkopf once said, “The more you sweat in peace, the less you bleed in war.” Therefore, excellence in training is our first and best line of defence.
The SAF has long conducted overseas exercises in diverse terrains, climates and environments – critical experiences that are not feasible within our limited land area. These large-scale and high-end trainings help our Servicemen keep pace with evolving threats. Modern conflicts increasingly involve dense urban settings and hybrid tactics, requiring our soldiers to be adaptable, quick-thinking and responsive to rapidly changing situations.
Urban warfare, as we have seen in recent conflicts, present unique challenges: the interplay of skyscrapers and subterranean complexes, the constant presence of civilians and the ever-present risk of unconventional tactics. No single strategy can be applied to every city block or building. Our Servicemen must not only master their equipment but also develop the mental acuity to seize opportunities amid complex situations.
To that end, the Ministry of Defence has taken proactive steps to enhance urban training. At last year’s COS debate, we learned of SAFTI City – the next-generation smart training facility. Featuring three Instrumented Battle Circuits, SAFTI City will provide immersive, real-time simulations, allowing for video playback as well as comprehensive After Action Reviews. These capabilities embody the spirit of continuous improvement for our military, ensuring that every lesson learnt on the training ground translates into greater operational effectiveness.
Going forward, Mr Chairman, I would like to seek an update from the Ministry on how it intends to build upon these developments. Specifically, how will MINDEF continue to refine our training methodology, both overseas and here at home, so that our troops remain primed for the demands of ever more complex battlegrounds? Our collective security hinges on our ability to innovate, adapt and prepare. After all, if we embrace challenging training today, we can better safeguard ourselves and our people for tomorrow.
Ms Poh Li San (Sembawang): Chairman, the Minister had shared in the past about the network of international partnerships that MINDEF has established to enable training overseas. Such opportunities on foreign land afford the SAF access to precious training space. We appreciate these arrangements deeply, given our own very limited land, air and sea space.
Still, it is just as important that SAF continues to train locally. For one, the COVID-19 pandemic taught us that access to overseas training spaces can be cut off quite suddenly. More importantly, our soldiers need to train realistically and be familiar with our own physical terrain and context in order to be effective when the need to defend Singapore arises.
At the same time, land is a precious and scarce resource for Singapore. I note that over the years, MINDEF has done its part to free up land for national development, such as the return of Seletar Camp for the development of the Seletar Aerospace Park and, in time to come, the relocation of Paya Lebar Air Base to transform Paya Lebar into a regional centre similar to those in Woodlands and Tampines.
In view of these constraints on our land use in Singapore, what is MINDEF doing to maximise our local training areas in an innovative manner?
Mr Chong Kee Hiong (Bishan-Toa Payoh): Mr Chairman, finding land available for training is a major challenge for many militaries, especially for a small and densely populated country like Singapore. As we all know, effective military training requires large and open spaces for high-end live firing exercises and large-scale manoeuvres.
I was glad to hear about the SAFTI City development from the Minister for Defence last year, especially on how SAF is doing more with less to enhance training experiences for our Servicemen, in spite of our limited land availability. Training locally is important so that SAF is familiar with our terrain to be proficient in urban operations.
It is also equally important to train overseas for the exposure and experience to build our military forces’ ability to adapt to a wide range of unfamiliar conditions. They need training under a variety of different situations and terrains to enhance their resilience and abilities. This is how we ensure that we have a well-rounded and prepared fighting force.
SAF has also been training abroad for many years and we are very appreciative to our foreign partners for the opportunities. Training overseas also helps to foster strong defence ties with our key defence partners, improve bilateral cooperation and allow us to benchmark ourselves against other professional militaries.
I am sure my Parliamentary colleagues would agree that the importance of training both locally and overseas cannot be overstated, as each offers unique benefits that contribute to the overall effectiveness and adaptability of SAF. I would like to ask the Minister for Defence if he would share how SAF is further improving training locally and overseas for our Servicemen.
Assoc Prof Jamus Jerome Lim (Sengkang): Almost every day, the residents of Sengkang GRC are forced to pause what they are doing as military jets scream past overhead. What is worse, the location of the town, close to the northeastern edge of the island, means that they must endure the noise for an extended period as the planes circle round again after making a U-turn to avoid entry into Malaysian airspace. Such disturbances are especially disruptive, given how an increasingly larger number of Singaporeans now work from home, at least part of the time. Some residents even suggest that the frequency of such incidents may number as many as seven flights an hour.
Over the years, I and my Parliamentary colleagues have implored RSAF to consider various alternatives to their overflights, to cluster take-offs more, to consider alternative flight paths, to take breaks in the early mornings or during exam periods, and to respect quiet hours. The responses, while lengthy and varied, have largely retained the same thrust that the Air Force needs to maintain operational readiness for the good of national defence and that there will eventually be relief after the decommissioning of Paya Lebar Air Base sometime in 2030.
In the meantime, however, our residents continue to experience disruptions to their daily activities. Technology, however, has now offered a tested solution, fin line nozzles that can be incorporated into engine design, much like dimples on a golf ball. This advance in aerospace technology offers potentially quieter jet engines with minimal reductions in performance. Other technologies, like micro vortex generators, acoustic liners and other types of modifications to engine nozzles, also appear to hold promise.
In an earlier Parliamentary Question response, Minister Ng Eng Hen indicated that RSAF will continue to monitor such technologies. Will the Ministry be able to provide an update on its monitoring efforts? Are there any plans to devote a budget toward researching and incorporating noise reduction technologies into military aircraft here? While I understand that defensive capability and safety considerations should always remain priorities for the Armed Forces, surely the impact that achieving such capabilities have on the daily life of Singaporeans should matter, too.
Mr Don Wee (Chua Chu Kang): Mr Chairman, as a small city-state with a tumultuous start, it has been deeply embedded in our national psyche that we cannot count on anyone but ourselves to defend Singapore. This has not been mere rhetoric but a principle that has consistently guided the Government’s approach to defence and national security. We have always prioritised defence, ensuring that there are adequate financial and manpower resources committed. I looked up our defence spending in our early years as a young nation and, back then, defence spending was in the range of about 5% of GDP.
The Minister for Defence, Dr Ng, has also regularly reminded Members of this House that defence is a long-term business that requires sustained and consistent investment. By maintaining sustainable and stable defence spending that avoids sharp fluctuations, we have equipped the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) with cutting-edge technology, highly-trained personnel and the necessary infrastructure to confront a spectrum of threats. This did not take place overnight.
As we celebrate SG60 this year and look towards the next phase of nation-building, it is imperative that we consider whether our defence spending is aligned with the challenges of tomorrow. Looking at ongoing developments in the world, it is no longer sufficient for SAF to only be well-versed at tackling traditional threats, neither can we afford to be playing catch up on emerging non-traditional threats.
The world is also facing the pervasive and fundamental threat of climate change. This will implicate both the conditions in which SAF is expected to train and operate as well as the challenges that SAF may be called on to tackle, especially as a result of extreme weather such as floods and fires. So, while SAF is certainly not responsible for climate change, it must join in collective action to mitigate its impact for Singapore's future.
Our investment in defence must continue to be prudent and forward-looking, ensuring that SAF remains an agile force capable of adapting to the dynamic security environment. In that regard, I would like to seek an update on our projected defence spending for this year. With the acquisition of high-end capabilities, will we continue to stay within the range of 3% of our GDP?
In the area of sustainability, militaries often get a bad reputation as the environmental impact of military operations can be substantial. Also, as militaries often naturally prioritise national security and mission readiness, it would not be uncommon for green practices and sustainability to become an afterthought.
MINDEF last provided an update on SAF's efforts on environmental sustainability in 2022. Since then, what else has been done and is MINDEF or SAF on track to fulfil its commitments as part of the Singapore Green Plan 2030?
Mr Kwek Hian Chuan Henry: Chairman, many current and future security challenges transcend national borders, requiring collective responses and new capabilities. No nation is immune to transboundary threats, like terrorism, maritime piracy, cyberattacks and climate change.
Singapore, being a highly connected city-state with an open economy, is inherently vulnerable to such transboundary threats. Even as we have enjoyed relative peace and prosperity, we must build our capabilities to ensure we have operational expertise in dealing with these threats.
Furthermore, traditional warfare is changing with new domains of conflict emerging alongside conventional military engagements. Hybrid warfare, blending conventional forces with cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns and economic coercion, has become a key tool for state and non-state actors. Cyber warfare threatens critical infrastructure while economic sabotage, such as cutting of submarine cables, can severely disrupt vital communications, trade and energy supplies.
As these threats evolve, new technologies and capabilities, such as secured satellite communications, AI-driven defence systems, robotics, drones and cutting-edge electronic warfare, are increasingly becoming relevant. With geopolitical dynamics shifting and many of these capabilities spreading throughout different geographical regions and private sector players, collaboration is now essential.
Through regular cornerstone events, such as the Shangri-La Dialogue, Singapore has established itself as a valuable convener for bilateral and multilateral security dialogues. I am pleased to see new platforms emerging to discuss modern challenges posed by emerging technologies, such as the Digital Defence Symposium, co-hosted by the ASEAN Defence Ministers' Meeting (ADMM) Cybersecurity and Information Centre of Excellence and the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies.
But apart from dialogue, how can we substantively build partnerships to address common security challenges? In particular, given Singapore's limited manpower and resources, we have to be deliberate and identify niches where our expertise can make a valuable impact. In this context, how is MINDEF/SAF working with defence partners to address transnational security challenges?
Miss Rachel Ong (West Coast): Chairman, given the rapid geopolitical shifts and growing security challenges, maintaining strong defence relations is vital for national security, stability and peace. For small nations like Singapore, our security and prosperity are closely tied to navigating international complexities through defence diplomacy. Our approach to defence relations is based on the understanding that no country can tackle transnational threats, such as terrorism, cyberattacks or climate change, alone.
In counter-terrorism, Singapore has closely collaborated with regional partners to share intelligence and expertise against the growing terrorism threat. Through initiatives, like the Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Terrorism (REACT), member countries exchange information, track terror group movements and disrupt terrorist plots. This collaboration has been vital in countering threats from groups, like ISIS, whose activities extend into Southeast Asia. Singapore's involvement has helped prevent attacks in the region and ensured our citizens' safety.
Beyond counter-terrorism, Singapore has built strong defence ties with countries, like the US and Australia, to address emerging security challenges. Our cooperation with US includes joint operations and intelligence sharing to counter transnational threats, such as cyberattacks and weapon proliferation. Similarly, our partnership with Australia supports collaborative initiatives in humanitarian relief and peacekeeping.
We have consistently worked to build a broad network of defence partnerships with like-minded countries to address these issues collectively. These partnerships strengthen Singapore's position as a reliable international partner, advance our interests and ensure our voices are heard globally.
In the face of shifting global power dynamics and emerging security challenges, it is crucial for Singapore to continuously adapt and strengthen these relationships to preserve regional peace and security and safeguard the well-being of our citizens.
In this context, I would like to request an update from MINDEF on the current state of Singapore's defence relations with key partners, particularly in strengthening cooperation and building strategic partnerships. How are we advancing our defence diplomacy efforts to address regional security challenges, especially in counter-terrorism and information sharing? What measures are being taken to further deepen these partnerships for Singapore's long-term security?
Mr Shawn Huang Wei Zhong: Mr Chairman, as a small nation, Singapore is vulnerable to external influences and pressures. Strong diplomatic and defence relations help to mitigate these risks. Building good relations with our neighbours is particularly important, not solely because of our geographical proximity, but also to enable close working relationships to uphold shared security interests.
With Malaysia, we have strong people-to-people ties, with many crossing the borders to visit family, work and study. We also work closely on various important fronts, including trade, defence and environmental issues. With Indonesia, Singapore maintains a multifaceted partnership, engaging in extensive economic cooperation and addressing cross-boundary challenges, like haze.
Much of Singapore's continued survival and prosperity also hinges on a stable, regional environment. Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is an important platform for Singapore to work with countries with common interests to promote regional stability and to contribute meaningfully to their larger international agenda.
Given the importance of forging strong ties with our neighbours and maintaining ASEAN centrality, what are some of the recent cooperation efforts Singapore has with our regional neighbours as well as with ASEAN?
Mr Chong Kee Hiong: Mr Chairman, Singapore's birth rate has been on a downward trend for years, similar to the situation in many other developed nations. While this is not news, it is important that we continue with our endeavour to address the implications for our national defence.
It is a major challenge to maintain a robust defence force with a smaller pool of young Singaporeans eligible for military service. In addition, as our population ages, the proportion of those of prime age that can continue to be part of the reservist pool also decreases.
Given the unpredictable state of global affairs, we must be on our guard against potential conflicts or wars. Apart from the countries directly involved, there will be impact on many other countries indirectly, as we have observed from the Russian-Ukrainian War and Israel-Hamas conflict.
Our people have always been our greatest asset for national defence. SAF should explore innovative solutions and policies to ensure that we can continue to tap on our key resource pool to maximise their potential.
It is in this context that I request MINDEF to share more about how SAF is optimising the deployment of our National Servicemen (NSmen) given our declining cohorts. For example, will SAF tap on technology or even medical advances to augment the capabilities, health or stamina of each NSman?
The Chairman: Mr Mohd Fahmi Aliman. You can take your two cuts together.
Mr Mohd Fahmi Aliman (Marine Parade): Chairman, the binary classification of our servicemen either as combat-fit or non combat-fit has been used by SAF for a long time and has great implications on the vocation options and National Service (NS) experiences available to our servicemen.
In 2021, Senior Minister of State Heng shared that SAF is redesigning the Medical Classification System and the Physical Employment Standard (PES) system to maximise the deployment options and contributions of our servicemen.
I fully agree that medical exclusions that used to determine deployments may no longer be so relevant in today's operational context, especially with the changing nature of modern warfare and the new digital domains in which our soldiers are expected to operate. So, can MINDEF share any updates on this initiative?
As a conscript armed force, our pre-enlistees come from a diverse range of educational pathways, with different skillsets and individual career interests. I am glad to see that MINDEF/SAF recognises this and has been offering multiple schemes that allow students with different educational backgrounds to pursue further qualifications while serving NS. This not only optimises their potential but also enhances SAF's operational capabilities by tapping on the skills and expertise of our NSmen.
I note that the newest scheme that was launched last year allows polytechnic students to enlist and serve in SAF while fulfilling their final-year internship requirements for their diplomas. Has this scheme been expanded to include more domains and what is the take-up rate?
Mr Shawn Huang Wei Zhong: Mr Chairman, as our population grows increasingly well educated and skilled, our NSmen can also bring to the table a diverse range of talents and experiences that could be useful to SAF.
The NS system should have the necessary structures and processes in place to ensure that we are making the best use of our NSmen's expertise. This will become increasingly important as Singapore's falling fertility rate affects the number of enlistees the SAF could take in each year.
MINDEF previously announced that they sought to maximise contributions of NSmen through the Enhanced Expertise Deployment Scheme. I believe that this is a good initiative to deploy NSmen to roles that are aligned with the expertise that they have acquired in school or at their workplaces.
We have a win-win situation here as it not only enhances the SAF's operational effectiveness by tapping on specialised skills and expertise, but it also provides NSmen with the opportunity to practise and hone their skills. This will hopefully give them an increased sense of purpose and fulfilment towards NS as they apply their skills to make a meaningful impact with minimal training required.
Can MINDEF provide an update on the Enhanced Expertise Deployment Scheme and how it has helped to maximise the contributions of our NSmen?
Mr Gan Thiam Poh (Ang Mo Kio): Chairman, we face increasing uncertainty and complexity in our security landscape. Potential threats to our national security include conflicts in our region, acts of terrorism, organised crime and natural disasters.
Our servicemen have to respond to a wide range of emergencies and threat scenarios, such as military attacks or cyberattacks, hostile acts involving explosives, chemical or biological weapons, and more.
This is particularly challenging for our NSmen because they are not soldiers by profession. Yet, they must be adequately equipped, both in terms of skills and equipment, to perform their roles effectively and safely.
To perform any job well, hands-on or real-life exposure is needed for the practice and experience. All the more so for our soldiers, who have to perform under a diverse set of high-stakes and time-critical situations that can range from peacetime responses to wartime contingencies.
In this context, what are the ongoing efforts by MINDEF/SAF to ensure that our servicemen are equipped to do their roles well and to enhance their operational effectiveness?
Mr Patrick Tay Teck Guan (Pioneer): All Singaporean sons go through a rite of passage of two years of NS, which is then typically followed by a 10-year training cycle. It is a commitment that comes at both a personal and societal cost.
At the same time, I think I speak for most, if not all, Singaporeans that NS remains necessary for Singapore's defence. This is particularly so in today's climate of evolving threats and uncertainties.
In that regard, there is the responsibility to ensure that the safety of our Singaporean sons is always the top priority. As we adapt to new technologies, tactics and environments, it is equally essential that our training safety procedures evolve accordingly.
I recall attending some high-risk training in the SAF years ago, and these days we have urban warfare and lots of close quarter battle, and chemical, biological, radiological and explosives (CBRE), and overseas exercises exposure such as Exercise Wallaby. I would thus like to seek an update from MINDEF on our training safety protocols. What are the recent steps that the SAF has taken to improve training safety and yet maintain training realism and effectiveness? How are we benchmarking our safety protocols against industry and global military best practices?
Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim: Chairman the demands of modern warfare continued to evolve. So, too must be the tools we use to train our servicemen.
One of the most exciting areas of innovation in the military today is the integration of advanced technologies aimed at improving training efficacy and ensuring the safety of our troops. Technologies like virtual reality (VR) and augmented reality (AR) are revolutionising a how we prepare soldiers for the battlefield. They help to develop critical decision-making skills, refine tactics and practice responses in combat situations without physical danger.
Data from wearable technologies is also invaluable too in safety aspects, preventing heat strokes and over exertion, allowing commanders to intervene before a situation escalates. AI-driven systems can be used to identify areas for improvement.
Can MINDEF share more about how technology has been incorporated to improve training efficacy and safety of our servicemen? By incorporating these cutting-edge technologies, the military is not only improving the quality of training but also ensuring that our servicemen are better prepared, safer and more resilient in the face of increasingly complex and dangerous challenges.
Ms Joan Pereira (Tanjong Pagar): Chairman, mental health is as important as our physical health. The need for the maintenance and enhancement of mental health with any needed diagnosis and treatments is still in the process of gaining wider recognition amongst our people.
Nonetheless, we have been making strides as a nation in terms of advancing mental health care awareness and access. What was once surrounded by stigma and kept in the shadows has in recent times been acknowledged as important as physical health. This change was perpetuated by the global pandemic over the past few years, which forced many of us to confront the mental strain of isolation, uncertainty and stress.
In the context of the military, soldiers are trained to be resilient, strong and disciplined. We usually think of the military as a sector where strength is defined by physical power, endurance, or the ability to push through pain, but mental toughness is just as critical as physical strength.
We now understand that mental health challenges, stress, anxiety, or the pressure of adapting to new environments are a natural part of life and can affect anyone regardless of their background, age or rank, particularly for many of our young men who enlist at the age of 18, the stress of gruelling physical training, the mental load from adjusting to military life, and the emotional struggles of being away from their loved ones and the comforts of home can be overwhelming for them.
To this end, I would like to ask MINDEF for an update on efforts to ensure that all our soldiers have adequate mental health support. In particular, how can we better facilitate our Singaporean sons transition to NS and set them up for a successful training stint?
Dr Wan Rizal (Jalan Besar): Sir, the demands of NS go beyond physical endurance – mental resilience is equally critical. Our soldiers face operational stress, regimentation, and the challenges of balancing military life. Ensuring they are psychologically resilient is essential for their well-being and operational readiness.
Could MINDEF provide an update on recent efforts to strengthen the mental resilience of our soldiers? How are resilience-building strategies incorporated into training to help our soldiers better manage stress and pressure?
Beyond counselling services, are there plans to enhance peer support networks or introduce structured mental wellness programmes within SAF units? Could technology also play a role in providing early mental health interventions?
Finally, how will MINDEF continue integrating psychological resilience into SAF training and support structures to ensure our soldiers are mentally strong both during and after their service?
Mr Lim Biow Chuan (Mountbatten): Sir, I receive many queries from Polytechnic and GCE \"A\" level students wanting to know about their enlistment dates, asking about their Physical Employment Standard (PES) status prior to enlistment for.
Sir, I also receive queries about NSmen hoping to study overseas. They want to be able to plan for their studies or plan whether they can take on a temporary job, pending their NS.
Sir, the OneNS web portal and mobile app was rolled-out last year to streamline digital services for NSmen. Since its release, have there been any enhancements made to the OneNS Portal? Will the One NS web portal be able to provide such information to students who are enlisting soon. Can NSmen use the portal to apply for deferment of their NS training?
Has there been any survey among NSmen or to assess the effectiveness and usefulness of the portal? I hope that MINDEF recognises that in this digital age, continuous updates are necessary to keep up with user needs and improve user experience.
The Chairman: The next Member is not present. Ms Jean See.
Ms See Jinli Jean (Nominated Member): At its COS last year, MINDEF shared that a one-stop Central Manpower Base (CMPB) would be developed at Bukit Gombak to serve the needs of servicemen and their families, as well as the public living in the area.
Apart from the one-stop service centre, all-weather fitness conditioning centre, and the lifestyle mart, the new CMPB would also house a regional health hub that would centralise the various SAF healthcare facilities that are spread across multiple locations, including the Medical Classification Centre, Specialist Medical and Dental Centre, Health Screening Programme Centre and MINDEF Medical Centre. I understand that servicemen can tap on the regional health hub for comprehensive primary and specialist healthcare as well as health screening services.
I have two questions for the Minister. First, could MINDEF provide an update on the consolidation of medical services at this regional health hub within the new CMPB? Second, apart from services for servicemen, could MINDEF provide details on the amenities which would be open to the public?
Ms Denise Phua Lay Peng (Jalan Besar): Chairman, NS is indispensable to Singapore, given our unique challenges as a small nation with no natural resources. The invasion of Ukraine and the current challenges it is still facing, has further underscored the importance of a strong defence. It is through NS that we maintain the peace and security we enjoy today, ensuring that our nation is prepared, capable, and ready to defend our sovereignty when necessary. At its core, the strength of our defence lies in our people. What has MINDEF done to continue to inspire our servicemen in its important mission? What has MINDEF done over the past year to recognise and appreciate the efforts of our servicemen?
Additionally, family support plays a vital role in the success of NS. Families provide emotional stability and strength, helping servicemen navigate the challenges of their NS journey. Facilities like SAFRA offer recreational, social, and educational activities for NSmen and their families, fostering a supportive environment and giving them a sense of belonging to the bigger NS family. As we move forward, are there further improvements or enhancements that Singaporeans can look forward to in SAFRA facilities for our servicemen and their families?
Mr Gerald Giam Yean Song (Aljunied): Mr Chairman, national defence is the primary goal of NS, but NS should also be an investment in human capital. MINDEF should transform NS into a value of creative experience for our NSmen by ensuring appropriate remuneration, relevant training and stronger education and career integration.
First, full time NSmen's pay should reflect their contributions to national defence. The median NS allowance should be raised to at least $1,600 per month. NSFs in their second year are fully trained, performing operational roles essential to Singapore security, yet they continue to receive an allowance rather than a salary with Central Provident Fund (CPF) contributions. The argument that duty and employment are mutually exclusive is flawed.
SAF regulars are paid market salaries while serving the same national defence mission. NSFs make personal sacrifices, delaying their education and career, and consequently, sometimes even marriage and children, because of NS. Pay that acknowledges these realities will strengthen their commitment to national defence. MINDEF should also help NSFs transition smoothly to further education by coordinating with universities to reduce delays between their Operationally Ready Date and the start of their studies.
And finally, NS should where possible, incorporate training that can benefits NSFs future careers, including skills training that can be applied in both military and civilian settings. This way, NS can serve as a launchpad for future opportunities rather than an educational and career detour.
Mr Alex Yam: Chairman, NS has long been the bedrock of our nation's defence – an institution through which generations of Singaporean sons and daughters have stepped forward to protect our homeland. The contributions of our full-time NSmen and women are invaluable. At the same time, we recognise that these commitments may impact their educational and career trajectories.
A recent 2023 Institute of Policy Studies report on public attitudes towards NS found broad support for conscription, yet highlighted concerns that time spent in service could affect subsequent transitions to study or to employment. One key recommendation was for MINDEF to strengthen support for service-men-and-women during their final months of NS, helping them prepare for the next phase of life.
At last year's Committee of Supply debate, MINDEF announced enhanced SkillsFuture@NS initiatives, allowing full-time NSmen access to the SSkillsFuture@NS Learning eXperience Platform (SF@NS LXP), which offers over 75,000 online courses. This move of course reflects the Ministry's commitment to investing in our servicemen's development, both during and after their time in uniform.
Chairman, with these developments in mind, I would like to request an update on the concrete measures that MINDEF has implemented, or plans to implement, to facilitate our Servicemen’s smooth transition into their next chapter, be it as students or in the workforce. Specifically, I seek more details on how MINDEF’s initiatives, such as SkillsFuture@NS, will continue to equip our full-time NSmen with the skills, knowledge and confidence to excel in their post-NS endeavours.
Mr Saktiandi Supaat (Bishan-Toa Payoh): Mr Chairman, besides conventional military threats, there are many other threats and risks that could disrupt our daily life and threaten our way of life in Singapore. Even though five years have passed, we must not forget how quickly the COVID-19 pandemic disrupted our daily lives and every sector of our society. Our peace and stability can be fragile and should not be taken for granted.
In addition, intense ongoing conflicts and geopolitical tensions persist, not just in far-flung regions but close to home as well. Conflicts far abroad may still cause Singapore to be vulnerable to shocks, such as supply chain disruptions, economic instability and widening socio-political divisions.
That is why Total Defence is key in rallying Singaporeans together to combat the challenges ahead as one united people. We just concluded Exercise SG Ready 2025, a two-week exercise where more than 800 organisations, schools and units from different sectors carried out different disruption or preparedness activities to strengthen their contingency plans for power disruptions or phishing attacks. Have there been any findings or analysis on the resilience gaps in our society?
It is difficult to predict what the next black swan event that could destabilise Singapore might be, but we must do our best to prepare Singaporeans and build resilience. How relevant is the role of Total Defence in raising the level of civic preparedness among Singaporeans for disruptions to daily life?
Mr Alex Yam: Chairman, the inaugural Exercise SG Ready was a timely demonstration of how crises and disruptions can strain our daily lives – from power and water outages to digital connectivity failures, widespread cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns and drone threats. These simulations challenged our readiness across multiple fronts, ensuring that Singaporeans remain prepared to respond swiftly and effectively to such hybrid threats.
We have witnessed how these dangers can escalate in real-world contexts. Amidst the still ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict, repeated strikes on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure have led to prolonged power blackouts. Hospitals have been forced into crisis mode, with critical medical procedures delayed or disrupted, underscoring the grave consequences when essential services are compromised.
This year’s edition of Exercise SG Ready, held in February, built on those lessons learnt from last year. As part of our SG60 commemorations, the exercise invited Singaporeans to reflect on the crises and disruptions we have overcome over the six decades of our Independence and to brace ourselves for potential future threats.
In light of SG60, I would like to request an update from the Ministry on this year’s exercise. Could MINDEF also share other initiatives that are underway to further strengthen Singapore’s crisis preparedness so that our nation remains resilient and well-guarded against emerging threats?
Mr Lim Biow Chuan: I served my NS many years ago and have always been convinced of the importance of NS and the need for all Singaporeans to understand that only we are responsible for defending our nation. We cannot depend on any other nation to help us deal with an aggressor country. Last week’s incident in the White House is a grim reminder to all nations of the need to be self-sufficient.
In recent years, as we observed the wars in other countries and how some nations have rallied to respond in the face of aggressive forces. The nations that have responded best tend to be the ones with higher levels of social resilience. Social resilience is important and is crucial because it helps communities withstand, adapt to and recover from crises that could impact social cohesion.
To build social resilience, we have to foster a society that embraces staying together and staying strong even when under stress. Singaporeans must learn to adapt to new challenges and be ready to contribute to developing solutions to tackle them head-on. This requires community networks and support systems to help people share resources and provide support to one another during times of crises. We also need to build public trust in our Government, public services and emergency response systems.
I wish to ask MINDEF, beyond preparing for conventional warfare, could MINDEF share more about its efforts in strengthening our society’s resilience in dealing with emergencies or crises?
Miss Rachel Ong: Chairman, Total Defence is a shared responsibility. As we see in conflicts around the world, a nation’s strength and ability to defend itself rely on the collective power of its people.
Our youths play a critical role in ensuring a secure and resilient future. Investing in youth participation in Total Defence is an investment in national stability. When young people take ownership of national resilience, they inspire others and foster a culture of preparedness that endures for generations.
With this in mind, I would like to ask how MINDEF is fostering and enabling discussions on Total Defence, particularly with our youths?
Mr Chong Kee Hiong: Mr Chairman, Total Defence is the cornerstone of Singapore’s national security strategy. Total Defence is premised on the understanding that our security, stability and prosperity depend on the collective commitment and efforts of all Singaporeans and sectors of our country. Each of us has a part to play to defend Singapore.
We are facing complex security threats and challenges even during peacetime, from terrorism and cyberattacks, to pandemics and climate change. We must build our resilience as a people. We need to be prepared through exercises and drills to cope with the potential disruptions from emergencies and crises.
We commemorated 40 years of Total Defence last year. Would MINDEF provide a summary of the outcomes of the activities?
Miss Rachel Ong: Chairman, the Advisory Council on Community Relations in Defence (ACCORD) has long served as a vital bridge between Singapore’s defence sector and the broader community. It plays a critical role in garnering public support for our defence efforts, building trust and fostering understanding across various societal segments.
Through ACCORD, we have seen active engagement with diverse groups, including ethnic communities, businesses and grassroots organisations. These efforts have not only heightened public awareness of our national defence needs but also encouraged active participation in Total Defence, ensuring every Singaporean understands their role in safeguarding our nation.
Given the evolving security landscape, I would like to request an update from the Ministry of Defence on ACCORD, their initiatives and activities over the past year. How has ACCORD further strengthened its outreach and engagement with the community?
Dr Wan Rizal: Sir, our MINDEF and SAF museums serve as a key platform to educate Singaporeans on our military history and reinforce the importance of Total Defence. These museums must remain engaging and relevant for future generations as security threats evolve.
How is MINDEF leveraging these museums to deepen public understanding of Total Defence, especially beyond military security, such as digital threats and social resilience? Are there efforts to modernise exhibits by incorporating interactive elements, simulations or digital storytelling to enhance learning experiences?
Beyond education, these museums can foster stronger connections between the public and MINDEF. Could MINDEF explore initiatives, such as using soldiers for guided tours, to incorporate real-life experiences into the learning process?
As Singapore continues to evolve, how will MINDEF ensure that these museums remain dynamic, relevant and impactful in shaping our national defence consciousness?
Mr Gan Thiam Poh: Chairman, Total Defence is a collective effort, and it would be useful to tap on our people’s ideas and feedback to obtain fresh and a wide range of perspectives on how we can defend Singapore. By empowering the public to contribute meaningfully to our nation’s security and stability, Singaporeans will feel a deep sense of belonging and build stronger community networks.
We should provide flexibility to allow ground-up initiatives to experiment with methods and solutions that may not be immediately feasible in large-scale Government programmes. Let us consider crowdsourcing of innovative ideas from the broader community, particularly from youths who have fresh perspectives and savvy skills.
In the face of new and evolving threats, how is MINDEF/SAF encouraging innovation in Total Defence?
The Chairman: Minister for Defence.
The Minister for Defence (Dr Ng Eng Hen): Mr Chairman, that we are living in turbulent times is plainly evident. Some of my colleagues who have filed their cuts said so in so many words. Mr Vikram Nair said that the collective security and the rules-based world order appeared to be fraying. Mr Desmond Choo said the world is now a far more dangerous and uncertain place. Mr Shawn Huang said the war in Ukraine highlights the vulnerability of smaller states to larger powers and how we need to be prepared. I agree with all these sentiments. So, how do we prepare Singapore and our people for a disruptive future, even a disrupted one?
For leaders everywhere, that surely must be the overriding concern as the global order changes before our very eyes. From a liberal world order characterised by inclusion, rules for large and small states and a protection of the global commons, we have now moved from that liberal world order to a literal world order based on size and influence, based on power. It has happened before, not only for Singapore, but the entire ASEAN region and beyond, where your basic assumptions change precipitously and your futures are altered rapidly.
How do we prepare Singaporeans for this kind of change? We want to learn from history, surely, about how the world might change when big power diplomacy dominates. Let me tell you before I quote the examples that are not a pretty picture, but nonetheless, we should learn them and learn the right lessons. And we ask, as we look at these examples, how are the fates of nations decided when big power politics and big power diplomacy dominate in this literal world order?
History teaches us that the fates of nations, particularly the weak ones – and I use the word \"nations\" in the broadest sense – can change without their choice. It is decided in the corridors of power and then declared publicly as a fait accompli. Take the 1824 Anglo-Dutch Treaty, when Singapore and Malaysia came under British rule. If the powers that be had decided differently, we could very well have been under Dutch rule and a radically different future from today. Just as a lark, I typed into your ChatGPT and asked what would happen to Singapore if we were under Dutch rule? It gives you a very, very good answer. Well, it will tell you that a lot of things will change.
Or fates of nations decided by others unannounced, without the knowledge of the affected states or the nations most affected, as in the Sykes-Picot agreement, secret agreement in 1916, between the French and the British, when they decided to divide up the remnants of the Ottoman Empire, and it was only because the Bolsheviks discovered it a year later, and then it was made public.
Or change can be inflicted through open aggression and brute force. I do not like this situation, I am going to deal with you. Sheer force. Whether you like it or not, whether you can withstand it or not. Never mind the suffering. As it did for this region on 7 December 1941, when Japan attacked Pearl Harbor under their strategy for a Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. And barely two months later, the hitherto impregnable \"Gibraltar of the East\", as we were referred to, fell, and Japanese occupation ensued in Singapore.
Were those events foreseeable? Perhaps, in hindsight.
I have been to the Pearl Harbor museum twice. It is fascinating every time I go there. I can spend hours there. They lay it out in wonderfully chronological order. There are actually two halls, one before the attack, one after. In retrospect, it is so logical that these countries would do what they did. You see the Japanese ambassador to the US writing his letter to Franklin D Roosevelt, and you understand why countries behaved as they did.
But the Pearl Harbor attack, that day in infamy, caught the US and Allied powers, even with their vast intelligence network, by surprise.
If you look at the military strategy of the Pearl Harbor attack – I come from MINDEF, so, I have some inkling of what military plans are – the Japanese Pearl Harbor attack, an audacious pincer attack. One on land, one for sea. Thousands of kilometres by sea. I want to control the Pacific. And yet, they were caught by surprise.
We sit here and we watch the events. Many Members of Parliament (MPs) have expressed how every week, there are different headlines, something that you have never see. No one can predict the future precisely, but the feel of change is in the air. What further surprises lie in store?
Seasoned columnists who have witnessed historically churning events liken our time to that before the First World War and ask if we are sleepwalking into our future. In the aftermath of World War I, four empires, some which had existed for hundreds of years, laid waste. It changed the map of the world – of borders, of alliances, of ethnic groups, of societies en masse.
For Europe, especially after the recent NATO meetings and the Munich Security Conference (MSC) – I was there, so I could feel the mood directly – there is presently great consternation.
The headlines reflected this. The Associated Press said, \"NATO is in disarray.\" This was after the US announced that its security priorities lie elsewhere. The Wall Street Journal, \"Planned US-Russia talks over Ukraine throw Europe into crisis.\" More dramatically, Politico asked, \"Is this the end of NATO?\"
The trans-Atlantic partnership has remained strong for more than a century despite great stresses, not least two World Wars. Only time will tell if these headlines and fears are accurate or over-reactions.
That is in Europe. But what about us in Asia? More pointedly, what is in store for Asia? That, to me, is the quintessential question for our time. That, to me, is the most important thing that we have to decide. Your residents on the ground will ask you, as MPs, what is in store?
I know that this is our Budget and our COS. We also know that this is an election year. But the answer to that question is going to occupy us for at least a decade. It is going to decide the fate of Singapore and Singaporeans for this generation.
All the headlines that you read – it is not business as usual. It is ground shaking, earth shattering. It is a political earthquake, with a tsunami coming. We do not know when the tsunami will occur. We know that it registers on the political Richter scale. All these examples is one point. You know something is coming, you do not know how to predict it accurately, when, in what shape and form.
But whatever comes, whatever comes, we must face our future resolutely. Singapore has thrived since our Independence because we took the world as it is and not what we wished it to be. We responded to daunting challenges as one nation, with grit, perseverance, sacrifice and hard realism. We must now do the same as we enter into uncharted waters.
Before 1965, we were not in charge of our own fate. So, we could have blamed other countries – the British or other large powers. But now, as an independent and sovereign nation, we Singaporeans have agency and can decide and do all we can to secure our future together. And certainly, building our own defences to protect our own interests must take priority. We count on no one else to protect Singapore, but ourselves.
Let me deal with the hows squarely. Because ultimately, it has to be a strong SAF. We are not a threat to anyone and wish all to be friends. But as the saying goes, strong fences – and I would add, defences – make good neighbours.
Mr Desmond Choo and Mr Shawn Huang pointed out the progress of the SAF. It is now a modern four Service military able to operate effectively across all domains of air, land, sea and digital, as Mr Neil Parekh also alluded to. But building capacity and capability for the SAF is a continual exercise. You either upgrade or regress.
In the interest of time, I will first name the big-ticket items, starting with conventional capabilities that some of you have asked for.
You remember in 2017, we started building four Invincible-class submarines. That programme is on track, with all four custom-made submarines for the Republic of Singapore Navy (RSN). German-made. It is the first time we have had custom-made. Previous submarines were bought. I do not know whether you refer to those submarines as second-hand or third-hand, but anyway, they were not custom-made for us. This is the first time that we custom-made them. They will be operational, all of them, by around 2028.
These submarines were manufactured in the icy waters there. I remember when then-Prime Minister Lee launched two submarines. One was delayed because of COVID-19. They had to bring out blankets and warmers for those of us on land. This was the launching. Just imagine how cold the waters were.
Two submarines have returned, are already plying our tropical waters and they are functioning well in our conditions. I think they are proven.
But four submarines are not optimal for a fleet. Submarines are subjected to more rigorous and frequent maintenance cycles, stringent checks as you can imagine, because they need to operate under intense pressure, literally. Sometimes, operational time is reduced relatively. This is why most navies that operate submarines have more than four – Australia, Indonesia, Vietnam, to name a few of our close neighbours.
Having proven that the Invincible-class submarines can perform to expectations in tropical waters, the SAF plans to procure two more submarines to make up a total of six as a steady state for our submarine fleet.
The Navy will also launch its first multi-role combat vessel (MRCV) later this year. They are going to replace our Victory-class corvettes, which have been around since 1989. So, calculate for yourself – nearly 35 years old.
The MRCVs are larger and have greater range than the Victory-class corvettes – about three times further. The MRCV is actually not one ship but a mothership with unmanned platforms. Some of you have spoken about unmanned platforms. This modern design incorporates that feature. Together with its suite of advanced sensors and combat systems, the MRCVs will strengthen our Navy's ability to safeguard our maritime interests.
That is the sea. Let us talk about the air. Our Fokker 50 maritime patrol aircraft are also due for replacement. Our Fokkers have served with distinction for three decades since 1993. The RSAF is now looking intently and evaluating appropriate replacements. Two possible ones: the Boeing P-8A and Airbus C295.
At last year's COS, I announced our decision to acquire eight more F-35As, in addition to the 12 F-35Bs we had previously announced. We have recently confirmed the purchase of these F-35As from the US and look forward to the establishment of our F-35 and F-16 fighter detachment at Ebbing Air National Guard Base.
It is not just that we buy the planes from the US, not that they acquiesce to us training in the US. These moves reflect the strength of our defence relationship with the US and the continued commitment to a multi-decade partnership. We thank the US for their support.
For the Army, we will have a new infantry fighting vehicle (IFV). So, I have finished the sea, the air, let us move on to the Army. The new infantry fighting vehicle, I think most of the MPs who were still serving SAF are from the Army here. You will have a new IFV. It will be called the Titan.
The Titan will still be wheeled, but for the first time, it will have its firepower upgraded with a 30 millimetre cannon as a remote weapon system. It will also be equipped with counter-Unmanned Aerial System capabilities.
The Army's High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) – I think many of you would have read about it during the Russia-Ukrainian War. These were quite useful and effective – they, too, will be upgraded with more capable rockets.
With these added large-ticket items for air, land and sea, the SAF as a relatively small military would have been transformed into a state-of-the-art military with platforms comparable to advanced militaries elsewhere and fit for our security purposes.
But as some MPs would have alluded to, there is a common dictum, a cautionary caveat, that militaries must be careful that they do not arm themselves to \"fight the last war\". I take all your points, I accept them. There have been new developments that are going to impact the way militaries conduct their operations. I think that is wisdom. So, for the past decade, indeed, that is what we have been doing.
When you ask yourself, how do you respond to these new changes? For the militaries, it boils down to two things: structure and platforms.
If you do not have both, then you are not really serious about re-organising and meeting these demands. If you have not changed your structure, if you have not gotten new capabilities and platforms, then you have not been adequately responding. We need to reorganise the SAF, to equip it, to incorporate emerging technologies and capabilities.
Mr Vikram Nair and Mr Neil Parekh referred to this in terms of the DIS. I am glad that it reaffirms the confidence that was formed about the SAF. The DIS was formed in 2022 and indeed it is one culmination of efforts in the reorganisation so that they could better meet future needs and threats in the digital sphere. I am happy to report today that almost three years after its inception, the DIS is now ready to stand up two new commands.
Remember I said unless you have structure and a new platform, you really are not adapting. The fact that we can stand up two new commands reflects progress.
First, the SAF C4 and Digitalisation Command (SAFC4DC). It will have two centres: the Digital Ops-Tech Centre and the SAF Artificial Intelligence (AI) Centre. The mission for these new commands and centres is to bring to bear for the SAF the full effects of new digital hardware and software.
Let me explain that. In the prosecution of missions now, or previously, we will use mainly conventional capabilities. Yes, you would enhance it with software aspects, but in modern military affairs, the comparative advantage is how you meld the two and bring to effect the capabilities of both. That is the job of the new commands and centres.
The second new DIS command is the Defence Cyber Command (DCCOM), which will consolidate all cybersecurity operations and capabilities, and partner with whole-of-Government and industry to strengthen national cyber defence. The new command will have to deal with hostile digital threats against Singapore from state and non-state actors. Because as you can imagine, if anyone attacks our digital backbone, our essential services will be crippled. And it is obvious that as a small geographic entity, we are vulnerable. It will impact economic and social well-being and will have a direct impact even on our security forces – the SAF and the Home Team – because we have to operate in this country. We will be severely hampered.
We have redundancies but we have to protect our digital backbone. And that mission to deal with such external actors falls on the new command.
Mr Henry Kwek and Mr Vikram Nair asked about unmanned platforms. I am glad they did because this is something that we are doing serious work and intense work on reorganisation in all the Services. Because militaries must not only be able to integrate that new technology and force structure and operations, but counter and defend against these threats.
As some of you rightly alluded to, it is proven that drones will be part of modern warfare. It is only how much and whether you are prepared. A study by the Kyiv School of Economics showed that Ukraine is now capable of producing four million drones annually, a hundred-fold increase from before their war with Russia. And they are not producing it because they are under intense pressure; they know how useful it is. Drones have been used to target support, gather intelligence, strike operations, decoy, relay signals and many other functions.
And, in fact, the SAF has already progressed in the use of unmanned platforms. They are already deployed for operations. So, for example, in the Singapore Straits, the Unmanned Surface Vessels (USVs) conduct patrols now and these USVs – if you happen to be on a boat along the Singapore Straits, you can say hello to them – they are equipped with electro-optic devices, radars and a 12.7-millimetre weapon system. These USVs can issue audio-visual warnings. They use lights, sirens, long-range acoustics device, and where justified, they can fire shots with their remote gun system.
Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) are now becoming part and parcel of the soldier’s arsenal in the Army, very much like how scouts use binoculars and can tap in and with far greater range and precision. And so, commanders can tap into a common picture from these various drones, inputs from the unmanned platforms to fight more effectively and smarter.
But it is in the Air Force that the pace and scale of drones have grown exponentially. So much so, that the Air Force has found it necessary to reorganise and to establish a new UAS Warfare and Tactics Centre. This new centre will drive the development of UAS warfare and its integration with the other forces and working with industries and tech agencies. The Army will also establish the Drone Accelerator for Rapid Equipping (DARE) a similar office to scale up operations for UAVs and ground vehicles for its units across the Army.
If we can leverage on drones as platforms, on the flip side, the SAF will also need to build up its capabilities to defend against UASs. And in these small commercial UASs are easily procured on the open market, I think, Mr Vikram Nair alluded to it. They can be re-tooled as weapons to inflict harm and destruction, for example, terrorists could do that. They are commercially available; you re-tool them.
So, to meet this threat, the SAF will build new counter-UAS capabilities – a suite of sensors, jammers and weapon solutions to detect and neutralise smaller UASs, to add to our existing Island Air Defence capabilities. A newly established SAF Counter-UAS Development and Operations group will be responsible to guard against this threat in collaboration with other Government agencies.
I do not want to give the wrong impression that it is so easy and that there are comprehensive solutions to deal with all UASs. That would be a wrong impression and would not be telling you the honest truth. Small drones are, in fact, hard to detect. There is also, as some of the Members alluded to, Mr Vikram Nair alluded to an asymmetry of costs. So, let me give an example. You remember the situation that is going on now, it is called the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, this is what connects the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, where the Houthis fired drones. If the aggressor fires 100 drones, it will cost about $15 million. But to defend against them would cost nearly $250 million; clearly unsustainable. The challenge is currently a focus of intense efforts everywhere, everyone is trying to find a cost-effective solution to the problem of mass small drones used for attack.
Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim spoke about how technology can disrupt militaries, and he is right. So, therefore, we must maintain our technological superiority, which includes the potential use of AI. MINDEF and the SAF needs to partner this, and I agree with the MPs who have spoken about this, that we need to partner with civilian entities and use appropriate crowdsourcing. So, for example, MINDEF’s Future Systems and Technology Directorate and the DSO National Laboratories have launched the AI Grand Challenge, in partnership with AI Singapore. The AI Grand Challenge has awarded funding to five teams to carry out research. The theme was “Robust AI” or “AI for Materials Discovery”. So, the idea is that, over time, the SAF can harvest good ideas for its needs.
And in fact, quite a number of emerging technologies are dual use, both civilian and military, with very quick adaptation cycles. So, for example, in the Russia-Ukraine war, an AI company was able to modify its commercial voice transcription to intercept Russia communications and automatically highlight key information to the Ukrainian armed forces.
To capitalise on such opportunities, the SAF has set up technology adaptation teams. Basically, you put combatants and engineers together, and their task is to adapt new technologies to the problems on the ground in quick and real time. And we actually tested these teams during the recent Exercise Wallaby. They had a practical problem where they needed to extend the range of communications, which they did by using a UAV fitted with a 5G base station to extend communications. So, that is an example.
All these new capabilities and structures will better prepare the SAF to defend Singapore, but it will come to nought if our soldiers are not committed or trained for their tasks. This was a recurrent theme by Mr Alex Yam, Mr Chong Kee Hiong and Ms Poh Li San, and I agree with them. The SAF indeed has put significant amounts of money to invest in training infrastructure. Some of the Members wanted an update, so let me do that now.
The SAFTI City Phase 1 has been available for training since October last year. Battalions are trained in urban operations and homeland security, and the initial feedback has been very positive. Our SAF soldiers can feel the difference immediately. Let me quote from one – 3SG Robin Teoh is from 5SIR – and he said, “Training in SAFTI City as a motorised infantry unit has been a game changer. The urban environment feels real, like stepping into an actual city. Moving and driving through tight alleyways, clearing high-rise buildings and adapting to different scenarios pushes us to think fast and stay sharp.” It is gratifying because his reaction is exactly what we build SAFTI City for.
We will build more of such facilities, and I think some Members wanted to know what more we can do, so that we can enhance realism for effective training. Pulau Tekong will be expanded to stretch 10 kilometres in distance. We know 10 kilometres is not a huge stretch, but for Pulau Tekong, it is. For Singapore, it is. And we will find some way of stretching it so that you can make longer circuits. So, it will act as the Army’s second manoeuvre training area for soldiers as well as combat vehicles, because that is important as the Army becomes increasingly platform-based.
As Mr Chong Kee Hiong alluded to, it is overseas where we need to leverage large training spaces. And the Shoalwater Bay Training Area has been expanded with many new and better facilities. As a result of the expansion over the years, we were able to conduct the largest edition of Exercise Wallaby ever last year – over 6,200 personnel and 490 platforms. In Singapore, I can have 6,000 soldiers and 500 platforms but that is about it. They will not have much room to move if you gather them together. But in Shoalwater Bay, you can. And they were tested to the limits, with the realism, because they were free to manoeuvre armour and armoured infantry, and the soldiers can feel it. They can feel that this is realism.
In the steady state, we are going to do more. After the development of the adjacent Greenvale Training Area, the SAF will have a combined training area 10 times the size of Singapore. This combined training area will allow us to deploy up to 14,000 personnel and 2,400 vehicles annually, so that the SAF can exercise its full range of capabilities, land, sea, air and digital.
Other countries are invested in our defence. We thank the government and people of Australia for these opportunities. We look forward to commemorating the 10th anniversary of Singapore’s Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) with Australia this year and to explore further ambitious and strategic areas of cooperation.
Apart from infrastructure, we are doing more to recognise the contributions of our servicemen. Senior Minister of State Heng Chee How and Senior Minister of State Zaqy Mohamad will talk about this. There will be a new SAFRA Clubhouse in Bayshore.
These investments to build our defence capabilities must be treated as precious resources. Through them, we turn our people’s hard-earned monies into tangible benefits, tangible bulwarks to protect Singapore.
Mr Don Wee asked for financial projections. Let me give a straight answer. This financial expenditure is projected to be around $23.4 billion. It is a 12.4% increase from last year. It is sizeable but it reflects a catch-up of projects deferred or disrupted due to COVID-19, we are still catching up, including those impacted by supply chain disruptions in recent years. But going forward – the last three years we have been playing catch up – we expect smaller increases year-on-year.
Even so, over the past decade, defence spending has stayed within the range of 3% of our GDP. Let me thank all Members of this House for their unwavering and steady support for the defence Budget and it has allowed us to build the SAF to what it is today.
I expect the growth in defence spending to taper down from FY2026 and keep within this 3% of GDP range over the next decade, of course, barring any major conflicts or severe economic uncertainty. But given the rapid changes in our external environment, I think, we will have to continually monitor the situation closely and if the need arises, we must be prepared to invest more in further strengthening our capabilities.
Miss Rachel Ong, Mr Shawn Huang and Mr Henry Kwek talked about us needing to be self-reliant and at the same time, expanding our network of friends and partners where interests align. As geopolitics becomes more unpredictable, it will affect our state-to-state relations with other countries, and that will also impact defence capabilities. MINDEF takes reference from our overall foreign policy.
Some partnerships are historical, like the Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA). It is now in its 54th year. There is a strong ongoing commitment from all partners. The UK’s Prime Minister has announced that the UK Carrier Strike Group will be deployed to this region this year to take part in the FPDA exercise.
With Indonesia, the Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA) has been in force, some Members wanted updates, let me give them now. With Indonesia, the DCA has been in force since March last year and it provides a strong basis for us to promote closer interactions between our defence establishments, especially in new areas of defence cooperation. Our two leaders met in November 2024, Prime Minister Wong and President Prabowo, and both expressed support for more military engagement between the Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) and the SAF. President Prabowo invited the SAF to train in Indonesia, particularly Kalimantan, to train with the TNI and we will be taking up their offer as well as the joint air training. Both Air Forces, for example, will conduct the inaugural bilateral air patrol under the Singapore-Indonesia Coordinated Patrol (PATKOR INDOPURA) later this year.
For Malaysia, we have good relations. It is our closest neighbour. Malaysia is at the helm of ASEAN this year and we will support their chairmanship as they uphold ASEAN centrality and unity.
For example, at the recent ASEAN Defence Ministers' Meeting (ADMM) Retreat, Singapore and Thailand introduced the protection of critical underwater infrastructure. Some MPs talked about this, whether it is energy grids or communications, that if they are disrupted, it affects nations. Singapore and Thailand introduced a paper, Malaysia, as Chairman, strongly endorsed it and for the full concept paper to be formally tabled.
We talk about US and China. Our defence relationships with them. They continue to grow and we enjoy regular high-level exchanges with both countries.
On China, I co-chaired the Singapore-China Defence Ministers' Dialogue, this was in May last year and I did it on the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue with then-recently appointed China Minister of National Defense Admiral (ADM) Dong Jun. In September last year, I was invited to speak at their 11th Beijing Xiangshan Forum and also had a dialogue session, this was alongside, it was not part of the Xiangshan Forum, but we organised a dialogue session with their senior People's Liberation Army (PLA) commanders in their National Defence University (NDU) – the pinnacle group. There, I met ADM Dong again. I also had a bilateral call with Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission GEN Zhang Youxia. For those of you who know the PLA structure, it is a privilege, and my delegation and I acknowledge and appreciate the privileged access to both Vice Chairman Zhang and the pinnacle commander class at their NDU. During these meetings, we affirmed the good military-to-military interactions that we have through various exercises and these high-level meetings and we plan to step-up further interactions.
The US is a Major Security Cooperation Partner, our collaborations with their Department of Defense and military are extensive. We are not a treaty ally, but it is plain that our military engagements and mutual benefits have grown over the years. Singapore is thankful that our pilots have trained in the US for many years since the early 1970s. All our high-end fighting air platforms – the F-16s, F-15s, and soon F-35s – are manufactured by and purchased from US companies, alongside other high-end weapon platforms. Singapore invests heavily into our own defence, and the US appreciates this fact.
The US also has a lead in dual-use technology that Singapore can benefit from. Under former US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, our two Ministries signed new agreements to strengthen cooperation in defence innovation, in data, analytics and AI.
I look forward to further strengthening our defence relations under the Trump Administration. Members in this House may remember that the Protocol of Amendment for the 1990 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the US was signed by President Trump and then-Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong in 2019, during President Trump's first term. This MOU bears some detailing, because it is important. This MOU, I said that in 2019 it was a Protocol of Amendment, so the primary MOU, which was signed in 1990 by our founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew and then-US Vice President Dan Quayle. It is important to know about this because it remains a cornerstone document for our military ties and engagements, wherein we facilitate rotations of US ships and planes through our military bases in Singapore. The 2019 Protocol of Amendment extended the 1990 MOU for another 15 years.
This 1990 MOU continues to underpin Singapore-US defence relations. During my call with Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, it occurred very soon after his confirmation, we both reiterated and affirmed our commitment to this long-standing defence relationship which has benefited both Singapore and US. Secretary Hegseth was very familiar with the details of our past and present military engagements. We also discussed further projects briefly and I invited him to the Shangri-La Dialogue and look forward to deepening our defence relations together.
As our defence capabilities grow, the SAF can do its part to help internationally. The SAF's Changi Regional Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief Coordination Centre (RHCC) works closely with both governmental and non-governmental organisations for humanitarian assistance. In March last year, RHCC coordinated a delivery of aid supplies to Gaza via Jordan and used our A330 Multi-Role Tanker Transport (MRTT) aircraft, a C-130 transport aircraft and a commercial plane.
In September again, it also coordinated the delivery of aid supplies to communities affected by Typhoon Yagi in Lao PDR, Myanmar, and Vietnam. Earlier this month, the RHCC worked on similar efforts to deliver another tranche of relief supplies to Gaza through Jordan using our MRTT. This was to alleviate the humanitarian situation during the lead-up to Ramadan.
The SAF is making concrete plans to provide further medical assistance to the people in Gaza. We have spoken to our counterparts in the Middle East. It is not safe now to deploy SAF medical facilities in Gaza. The risks are high and unlikely to subside for some time to come. We do not want to put SAF soldiers and civilian volunteers in harm's way there. But there are other options in the region, whether it is in Egypt, Jordan or the United Arab Emirates (UAE), as more civilians from Gaza have gone to receive treatment over the past months. We have already seen that and the SAF medical teams, together with the Ministry of Health (MOH) medical teams, may be able to deploy to such a place in the coming months.
Apart from natural causes, chemical, biological, radiological and explosive (CBRE) threats can precipitate national and humanitarian crises. We all saw this during SARS and COVID-19. By extension, we should also realise that bioterrorism is a real threat. MINDEF/SAF established the Network of ASEAN CBR Defence Experts when we were ADMM and ADMM-Plus Chair in 2018 to deal with this threat. That network was useful. We conducted table-top exercises, training workshops, lab visits and created a harmonised set of guidelines to sample and analyse and to report. This was done last year.
We think it is time now to build a physical centre and this will greatly facilitate cooperation. So, that is what we are going to do. MINDEF/SAF will therefore establish a regional CBR Centre in Singapore. It will strengthen and complement this network. We will work alongside RHCC, partner civilian agencies and military agencies across ASEAN and international organisations.
I also announced in 2021, that MINDEF/SAF will build a Biosafety Level-4 lab. I think the reaction to that was quite muted and I think because it was after COVID-19. We all saw the need for it and this facility will complete construction in 2026 and, in line with WHO and MOH guidelines, it will be certified as a Maximum Containment Facility (MCF), the highest grade, to be able to handle bio-agents that are deemed highly contagious and lethal, such as the Ebola virus.
That MCF will provide us with the capability to assess the nature of an outbreak, isolate, identify the bioagent, and develop early disease control measures. That is a significant capability. Just imagine if the equivalent of a Grade 4 bioagent was used and you are testing it in a Biosafety Lab 3. It risks everyone being contaminated and you will not be able to test it. So that BSL4 facility, I think, will strengthen our capabilities against bioterrorism.
Mr Chairman, as the World around us becomes more unpredictable and changes, the more we need to keep the strongest commitment to strengthen our own defences and, if needed, we must be willing to do more. Singapore celebrates 60 years of Independence this year. With the support of Members of this House, we will continue to build a strong SAF, to protect Singapore and keep Singapore as a sovereign and independent nation, and to ensure our peace and prosperity for another generation. My Senior Ministers of State, my colleagues, will continue to answer the rest of your questions.
The Chairman: Senior Minister of State Heng Chee How.
The Senior Minister of State for Defence (Mr Heng Chee How): Mr Chairman, Defence Minister Dr Ng Eng Hen described our geopolitical environment as being marked by heightened tensions in recent years. Across generations, our NSmen's dedication has ensured that Singapore remains ready to face an increasingly complex security environment. We do not take for granted the strong support for NS that we have. Today, I will outline ongoing efforts to further strengthen NS and highlight new initiatives to enhance its effectiveness and to recognise our NSmen's contributions.
Let me begin by how we seek to optimise the contributions of every soldier.
Mr Chong Kee Hiong and Mr Mohd Fahmi asked how we are ensuring NSmen are deployed safely to meaningful operational roles. In 2021, I shared that the SAF is redesigning the way we medically classify our servicemen, shifting away from the binary classification of servicemen as either being Combat Fit or Non-Combat Fit. The new system will assess each serviceman on a more granular scale, allowing better characterisation of their medical fitness and functional capacity so that they can be better matched to more operationally effective roles. This is a fundamental change that we are carefully studying and determining how to implement.
Over the past two years, we have been conducting functional assessments for pre-enlistees with selected orthopaedic conditions, in addition to the standard medical screening. Since 2022, some 300 pre-enlistees have undergone selected functional assessments, and 230, or about two-thirds of them, were able to contribute more effectively over a wider range of roles. This is heartening because it opens up more deployment options for our servicemen. It also allows the country as a whole to make best use of as many of our servicemen as possible in the defence of this nation.
The SAF has also continued to leverage technology and redesign jobs to expand deployment opportunities. Since 2021, more than 1,000 servicemen have taken on important operational roles, such as Combat Medics, Infantry Carrier Vehicle Operators and Military Police, which they would not have been able, or been eligible for if the roles were not redesigned.
Mr Fahmi asked for an update on how we are continuously investing in the skills of our servicemen. Since 2018, we have partnered Institutes of Higher Learning on Work-Learn Schemes that allow Full-time NSFs to attain diplomas or partial university credits, while serving for a duration of three to four years. This enables NSFs to fulfil their academic aspirations and contribute meaningfully to the SAF. Since its inception, over 650 NSFs have enrolled in nine Work-Learn Schemes, serving in roles, such as Cyber Specialists, Air Force Technicians and Naval Warfare Systems Specialists.
We are also looking upstream to tap on the potential of pre-enlistees. Last year, we introduced new schemes for polytechnic students to enlist and serve in the SAF while fulfilling their final-year internship requirements. We opened it to students in aerospace electronics, cybersecurity, electrical and electronic engineering and information technology courses. Most recently, we partnered Temasek Polytechnic on the SAF-Polytechnic Sponsorship for Naval Warfare System Experts, where those selected will serve five years, fulfilling their polytechnic internship requirements, while picking up relevant skills. The take-up rate for these schemes have been promising and this will be expanded to other polytechnics and vocations in due course.
Mr Shawn Huang asked for an update on how we are tapping on the rich skills and expertise of our Operationally Ready NSmen. Under the Enhanced Expertise Deployment Scheme (EEDS), we have redeployed more than 600 NSmen over the past three years by tapping on their civilian expertise and qualifications.
One example is ME4(A) He Jianyuan who had served in the Air Force during his full-time NS. He was redeployed as an Assistant Engineering Officer in the Navy in view of his civilian expertise, leveraging a decade's worth of his marine engineering knowledge to assist the Chief Engineering Officer in mechanical and engineering operations.
Mr Gan Thiam Poh asked about our efforts to improve the operational effectiveness of our Servicemen. We have been attaching SAF medics to the Singapore Civil Defence Force (SCDF) under a collaborative programme which allows them to respond to critical incidents, gain hands-on experience and contribute to saving lives in high-pressure emergency situations.
For example, Lance Corporal (LCP) Chen Anhong was attached to the SCDF's paramedic team at Alexandra Fire Station for six months. During the attachment, he responded to emergency calls daily, including a traffic accident with multiple casualties. As a first responder, LCP Chen administered life-saving treatment to casualties before they were conveyed to the hospital. Such experiences sharpen our medics' clinical skills and ensure that they are well-prepared to respond to emergencies.
We will enhance the SAF's medical responsiveness by acquiring a new fleet of ambulances, which are equipped with mechanical chest compression devices and powered stretchers, similar to the ambulances used by SCDF. This will alleviate the challenges faced by a lean ambulance crew, consequently resulting in enhanced patient care.
NSFs in the Island Defence Task Force will also be equipped with non-lethal pepper-spray projectile guns. This avails a more calibrated response to manage security incidents for better operational outcomes.
Maintaining operational effectiveness is crucial and this does not always come easy. With respect to Assoc Prof Jamus Lim's question on aircraft noise, MINDEF had previously shared with Members how local flight training is critical to our pilots' continued proficiency and operational readiness, and the measures RSAF has taken to reduce public inconveniences arising from aircraft noise. For example, where possible, local flying is conducted over waters rather than land and avoids residential areas during take-off, landing and transit to-and-from training areas. The RSAF also flies at higher altitudes and lower airspeeds over land, to minimise noise to housing estates.
The Air Force also adjusts its training tempo during selected periods, such as the national exams. And this is over and above the training that we conduct overseas, which obviously does not result in noise over Singapore.
While we are aware of experimental noise-reducing aerospace technology, such as fin-lined nozzles, engine insulation and aircraft fuselage shaping, there are, to our knowledge, currently no aircraft manufacturers that have certified or successfully incorporated the use of these technologies in the manufacturing of military aircraft. Our Air Force will continue to monitor the development of such technologies and whether any can meet the operational requirements in a cost-effective way.
So, I want to reassure Assoc Prof Jamus Lim that we are doing our best in order to ensure that we can defend our skies, protect our country and, at the same time, minimise the inconvenience to Singaporeans.
I spoke earlier about the initiatives to strengthen NS. Now, I would like to elaborate on how upholding a strong safety culture in the SAF remains a priority, which is something that Mr Patrick Tay asked about. The Inspector-General's Office (IGO), established in 2019, conducts 40 to 50 audits and system reviews every year to ensure adherence to safety protocols in SAF Formations. For example, arising from IGO's focus on driving safety, we designed \"safe-to-fail\" driving circuits that allow our transport operators to experience driving transgressions safely. Such circuits, coupled with driver monitoring systems installed in all SAF vehicles, have enabled us to correct improper driving habits and to ensure safer driving. Likewise, NSmen training now incorporates safety sharing and incident reporting in both the planning stages and debriefs, reflecting greater emphasis on safety.
To help the SAF benchmark against best practices and standards in training safety, the fourth ERPSS, inaugurated in May 2024, will continue to review selected SAF Formations' training. We are confident that the ERPSS, like in previous panels, will offer valuable insights to shape improvements in our safety systems.
Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim asked how technology is used to improve training safety. To sustain this strong safety culture, SAF has leveraged digitalisation to provide insights into safety performance, allowing safety efforts to be more targeted and more effective in accident prevention. We will build on the foundation of the SAF's Enterprise Safety Information System, which is a platform for Servicemen to submit safety reports and access safety operating manuals. The system will be upgraded with AI-enabled business processes and personalisation. The Army also leveraged AI to develop a model that recognises and detects safety transgressions in activities, such as live-firing in ranges and driving.
Beyond training safety, the psychological well-being of our Servicemen is just as important. Ms Joan Pereira and Dr Wan Rizal asked for an update. Between 2020 and 2022, Care Hubs were set up in Basic Military Training (BMT) Centres to support NSFs during their transition to NS. To sustain the delivery of care, we piloted the deployment of Roving Care Teams last year, and these teams comprised psychologists and counsellors, to partner unit commanders to enhance the immediacy of care for Servicemen after BMT. In 2024, our Mental Health Office's well-being campaign focused on fostering a positive workplace culture across MINDEF/SAF. A new mental health e-learning module was launched to equip Servicemen with the knowledge and skills to build a positive workplace culture and offer peer support.
The SAF is also applying evidence-based best practices to strengthen psychological resilience. The Army Resilience Centre (AReC), established in March 2024, partners Army training centres and units in implementing structured resilience-training curriculums and redesigning training programmes to bolster Servicemen's mental resilience and adjustment to military life. AReC has implemented these in BMT, and we have seen higher training participation and Servicemen reporting improved ability to cope with challenging tasks during military training.
Apart from enhancing NSmen's operational effectiveness and sustaining a strong safety culture, we also want to improve the NS experience. We will do more to facilitate the enlistment process. MINDEF is collaborating with GovTech and the Public Service Division to incorporate pre-enlistment features on the LifeSG app to complement existing MINDEF touchpoints. Since May 2024, information guides on preparation for NS have been made available to pre-enlistees and their parents on the LifeSG app and website. This year, we will progressively roll out personalised features on the app to pre-enlistees commencing NS registration, when they turn 16 and a half years old. This includes push notifications to provide timely reminders on key tasks, and a milestone tracker which tracks their progress from NS registration to enlistment, providing information, such as their Physical Employment Standard (PES) status as well as enlistment dates.
Members who are NSmen would also be familiar with the OneNS app and web portal released last April. Mr Lim Biow Chuan asked about the enhancements. NSmen can now access NS digital services with fewer disruptions. NSmen can submit applications for deferment of In-Camp Trainings (ICT) on the platform. The OneNS Portal is constantly enhanced to address feedback from Servicemen through surveys submitted after their NS activities in order to improve the user experience. In March 2024, the Smart Mobilisation system, which digitises mobilisation status in real-time, was onboarded to the OneNS app for selected SAF units. This will be extended to all SAF units by the end of the year. We will continue to enhance OneNS, so that Servicemen can access their ICT records on-the-go and utilise their NS credits more conveniently.
Ms Jean See asked for updates about the new Central Manpower Base (CMPB). Last year, I shared with Members that the new CMPB was under construction. This new CMPB, located opposite Cashew Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) station, will be an integrated one-stop service centre consolidating Servicemen's various NS administrative needs. This includes completing medical screenings, attending NS fitness activities at the all-weather Fitness Conditioning Centre, as well as purchasing NS necessities.
The new CMPB will also house the second Regional Health Hub (RHH), which will span two levels. And that RHH will consolidate key healthcare facilities into one location. Today, a pre-enlistee with pre-existing medical conditions will have to visit multiple locations on different days for his medical classification test and specialist reviews. At RHH, which will come up at the new CMPB, this pre-enlistee will be able to complete his medical assessments in a single visit, with specialist appointments scheduled on the same day. An improved queue management system will also reduce waiting times. By streamlining these medical processes, the hub is expected to serve around 200 Servicemen daily, ensuring prompt and comprehensive healthcare support throughout their NS journey.
Beyond consolidating NS-related administrative needs, the new CMPB also functions as a community space. The public can access exercise facilities, such as an outdoor running path, fitness zone and even a soccer field. Residents who live nearby will have access to amenities, such as a childcare centre, a café and a food court that will operate even in the evenings and on weekends. The new CMPB will open progressively from the middle of 2025.
I have covered how MINDEF/SAF will continue to enhance the NS experience and would like to wrap up my speech by underlining our efforts to recognise our Servicemen's contributions to the defence and security of Singapore, which Ms Denise Phua asked about.
Members will recall that in November last year, MINDEF and the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) disbursed $200 worth of NS LifeSG credits to 1.2 million past and present NSmen. These credits can be used for a variety of essential goods and services. Over 77% of eligible NSmen have made at least one transaction using their NS LifeSG credits. I am glad that our NSmen have found these credits helpful.
Mr Gerald Giam shared his views on how NS should be value-accretive and suggested some ways to do so. As I shared with Members last year, we fully recognise and value our NSFs' contributions to the defence of this country and for which there is an NS allowance which recognises those contributions.
Beyond recognition packages, each NSF receives a monthly allowance that supports his personal upkeep and recognises his service. We regularly review the NS allowances so that they remain adequate. The last adjustment was made in July 2023. Following our latest review, we will raise our NSFs' monthly allowances by between $35 to $75 from 1 July this year. This is an increase of about 4% to 5% for most NSFs. With the change, NSFs will receive a monthly allowance of between $790 and $1,955, depending on their rank and vocation.
Another key effort in supporting our NSFs is to facilitate their transition to work and studies after completing NS. This includes helping NSFs develop skills that can apply in their civilian life after NS. A study conducted by the Institute of Policy Studies in 2022 found that seven in 10 Singaporeans agreed that NS was beneficial for learning skills useful for civilian employment. Beyond practical skills, about nine in 10 agreed that NS was important for personal character development, such as instilling discipline and values, and transforming our NSFs from “boys to men”.
Mr Alex Yam asked how we have enhanced NSFs’ employability and supported their transition into the workforce and further education. Apart from the Certificate of Service package that documents the skills and competencies they gained during NS, the SAF also works with SkillsFuture Singapore to accredit certifiable skills under the national Workforce Skills Qualification (WSQ) system. For example, NSFs can receive accreditation for the skills they acquire through BMT and specialist courses, such as in leadership, medical and logistics.
In addition, since 2022, MINDEF and MHA have partnered the NTUC Learning Hub and the NTUC Employment and Employability Institute to enhance the SkillsFuture@NS programmes. NSFs attend the SkillsFuture@NS Fairs which, aside from providing job opportunities in growing industries, also feature workshops that provide them with resources and tools for skills planning. For NSFs who prefer self-directed training, the Learning eXperience Platform (LXP) offers a range of courses from data analytics to self-management and interpersonal communications. These are transferrable skills that NSFs can apply in their transition to work and studies. Since Nov 2022, about half of our NSFs have signed up for accounts. We continue to encourage more of them to sign up to benefit from this resource.
Mr Chairman, as we look forward, MINDEF/SAF’s commitment to NS and to our NSmen remains steadfast. We will continue to enhance the NS experience, maximise the contributions of our NSmen, and strengthen recognition for their service. Most importantly, we will uphold the safety and well-being of every soldier, ensuring that they return home safely to their loved ones.
I thank all NSmen for their sacrifices and service. Together, we will keep Singapore safe and secure for generations to come.
The Chairman: Senior Minister of State Zaqy Mohamad.
The Senior Minister of State for Defence (Mr Zaqy Mohamad): Mr Chairman, Minister for Defence Dr Ng briefly mentioned SAFRA Bayshore earlier in his speech, allow me to provide more details.
SAFRA was set up in 1972 to recognise NSmen and build bonds among servicemen and their families. I cannot emphasise enough the role that the families play in supporting our servicemen through their NS commitments. Today, the seven SAFRA clubhouses across Singapore provide servicemen and their families with affordable recreational facilities and lifestyle offerings.
I am pleased to announce that MINDEF will build a new clubhouse in the Bayshore area, to better serve our servicemen and their families in the East. It will have direct access to the MRT, which will provide greater convenience to users. Ms Denise Phua had asked for an update and she will be pleased to know that SAFRA Bayshore will be SAFRA’s largest clubhouse, about 50% larger than the average SAFRA clubhouse, and will offer unique family, entertainment and recreational facilities. We plan for SAFRA Bayshore to be ready in a few years’ time, and to replace our oldest clubhouse at SAFRA Tampines, built in 1988.
Dr Ng and Senior Minister of State Mr Heng also updated the House on our efforts to ensure that the SAF remains effective and ready to defend Singapore, and this is amidst a more challenging geopolitical environment. We must also be prepared for the risks of various kinds of disruptions caused by climate change, cyber-attacks or civil emergencies. Many of these disruptions are not limited to the military domain but have impacts on the wider society.
To answer Mr Saktiandi Supaat’s questions, the threat of such far-reaching disruptions is part of the reason why Total Defence, our concept of a whole-of-society defence, remains as relevant and useful today as it was in 1984, when we first started Total Defence.
Looking back, some of the disruptions we face today – food, water, and power disruptions – are similar to those we faced back in 1984. However, as our lives became more interconnected and fast-paced, these disruptions have the potential to be more severe and more far-reaching than before.
Other sources of disruption are more recent, such as disruptions caused by cyberattacks on critical infrastructure, or extreme weather arising from climate change. We have experienced some of these disruptions in the past, and we must be prepared for such disruptions in the future.
The six pillars of Total Defence – military, economic, social, civil, digital and psychological – working in concert have allowed us to respond to different crises that jeopardised Singapore’s future over the past four decades. These pillars provide us with a strong foundation for our defence and based on a public poll that we conducted last year, we are glad that most Singaporeans are willing to partner with us, to play their part in bringing Total Defence into action.
However, the same poll found that Singaporeans were less confident about our preparedness to withstand crises and disruptions. As such, MINDEF/SAF has been working with Singaporeans to strengthen community resilience and readiness for disruptions, particularly though Exercise SG Ready.
Mr Alex Yam and Mr Lim Biow Chuan asked about Exercise SG Ready and MINDEF’s efforts in strengthening societal resilience. Last year, we conducted the first Exercise SG Ready, to prepare Singaporeans for disruptions to food and water resources.
I reported last year that over 800 organisations participated in simulated disruptions of our water, our food and our power supplies, as well as cyber disruptions. The positive response has rallied more organisations to come on board this year. Over the past two weeks, MINDEF, together with the Energy Market Authority, conducted the second edition of Exercise SG Ready, focused on enhancing community preparedness for power disruptions and cyberattacks.
This year, over 1,200 organisations participated in the exercise, including schools, communities, businesses and Government agencies. Over 600 participating organisations also took the opportunity to exercise their business continuity plans. For example, Senoko Energy simulated a total blackout of their power plant, where all its generators were shut down and restarted using back-up generators. Several multinational and local financial institutions also reviewed their readiness plans through a Table-Top Exercise organised by Quantedge Capital.
Close to 200 organisations also took part in a coordinated phishing exercise, of which half were small and medium enterprises (SMEs).
This year’s exercise was also unique in spotlighting the need to care for the vulnerable segments of society during major disruptions, as part of SG60. For example, corporates like HP Inc. have adopted Active Ageing Centres to support seniors in times of crises, ensuring that no one is left behind.
MINDEF also supported the Singapore Association for the Deaf in developing sign-language educational videos on emergency preparedness for the Deaf community, to ensure that they are aware and prepared for cyber or power disruptions.
Aside from disruptions caused by accidents or malicious actors, we also have to prepare for the risk of disruptions arising from climate change. Climate change is not just an existential threat for a low-lying island like Singapore, its effects are being felt today in the form of extreme weather events. 2024 was one of the hottest years on record, and in January, we felt the effects of climate change in the form of prolonged rain and flash floods because of the monsoon surge.
To prepare our community for disruptions caused by such extreme weather, we conducted a community Table-Top Exercise with PUB in November last year. The event brought together over 50 grassroots leaders, residents, youths and business representatives to discuss an extreme flooding scenario, and how to plan and prepare for such a scenario, in partnership with community groups. We will continue to hold more of such exercises to increase our community preparedness and resilience, bringing together the experience of our community leaders, the experience of our business representatives and the energy of our youths. These exercises covered some of the likely disruptions that we may encounter in the coming years, and I am glad that many Singaporeans today are now more prepared to face these disruptions.
Beyond preparing Singaporeans for disruptions caused by climate change, MINDEF/SAF is also part of the Singapore Government’s sustainability efforts to safeguard Singapore’s future. To reduce our carbon emissions growth, we had committed in 2021 to deploy more solar panels in SAF camps and bases, to achieve a target of 50 mega-watt peak of solar capacity by 2025, equivalent to the annual electricity consumption of 13,000 4-room Housing and Development Board (HDB) flats.
Over the past three years, we have been installing rooftop solar panels in all suitable SAF camps, as part of HDB’s Solar Nova programme. By the end of this year, we will have rooftop solar panels in most of our camps. On top of that, we will be building a solar farm within Sembawang Air Base this year. The solar farm will comprise 18 mega-watt peak solar photovoltaic systems and will generate energy equivalent to the annual electricity consumption of 4,700 four-room HDB flats. This will lead to cost savings of approximately $1.9 million a year for the SAF and bring us closer to achieving our emissions reduction target for 2030.
The locations for these solar panels were carefully selected to ensure that our operational effectiveness would not be affected. This included detailed studies to ensure that the glare from the solar panels would not pose a danger to military aircraft. We will continue to expand solar deployment to other MINDEF/SAF camps and premises where operationally feasible.
We are also on track to achieving our other sustainability targets, including a 10% reduction in water and energy utilisation and a 30% reduction in Waste Disposal Index. For example, the RSAF has built a super low energy flight simulator in Tengah Airbase, which consumes up to 40% less energy than previous designs. The Chinook wash shed, which uses up to 60% less water per wash this time. In 2024, the estimated amount of water saved was equivalent to the average daily amount of water used by about 1,500 four-room HDB flats.
We have also implemented trials of the Smart Utilities Metering System at three SAF camps, with good results of up to 10% reduction in electricity consumption. We will begin rolling them out in all SAF camps and bases in the next few years, which will further help us to maximise the resource efficiency of our buildings and infrastructure.
Mr Don Wee asked about how MINDEF is investing resources to contribute to sustainability. Through these initiatives, I would assure Members that MINDEF/SAF is committed to achieving our sustainability targets in line with the Singapore Green Plan 2030.
Chairman, looking forward, it is pertinent that we continue to partner all Singaporeans to strengthen our collective commitment to Total Defence, so as to safeguard Singapore’s future. We need to continue to advocate for and engage Singaporeans on the need for Total Defence, to build a strong, secure and cohesive nation.
Mr Chong Kee Hiong asked for a summary of our initiatives last year to commemorate 40 years of Total Defence. Aside from improving our community resilience through Exercise SG Ready, we also focused on inspiring Singaporeans to act and energising our Total Defence practitioners. Let me give you an update on the key initiatives.
From February to October last year, we conducted a Total Defence Exhibition at 52 locations around Singapore, where we showcased examples of Singaporeans putting Total Defence in action. Over 300,000 Singaporeans were encouraged to reflect and make pledges in support of Total Defence.
We also engaged and energised over 300 National Education and Total Defence practitioners through the inaugural Total Defence Convention, organised jointly with the National University of Singapore. Practitioners from Government agencies, educational institutions, community groups and businesses were able to come together to exchange best practices, network and discuss ideas around the theme of \"Building Societal Resilience and Readiness in Crises and Disruptions\".
This year, we will continue to engage specific groups to strengthen community resilience while engaging all Singaporeans to strengthen commitment to Total Defence.
One of the ways we will do this is through the Advisory Council on Community Relations in Defence (ACCORD), which Miss Rachel Ong spoke about.
ACCORD runs a wide range of community outreach initiatives, bringing society together to champion and advocate for Singapore's defence and for NS. Some MPs such as Mr Don Wee, Ms He Ting Ru, Mr Neil Parekh and Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim are also active members of ACCORD. ACCORD has existing programmes reaching out to pre-enlistees, youths, new citizens, Permanent Residents (PRs), national servicemen, families and women.
This year, ACCORD will focus on engaging businesses, particularly SMEs, leveraging on the memorandum of understanding (MOU) signed between MINDEF and the Singapore Business Federation (SBF) last month. Under the agreement, the SBF will conduct activities to engage businesses in support of Total Defence and national resilience and will conduct cybersecurity training and exercises for businesses to strengthen their digital defence and resilience.
Since 2021, ACCORD has also been conducting virtual visits to the Basic Military Training Centre (BMTC) for Singaporean families residing overseas, ensuring that both pre-enlistees and their parents have greater access to NS information and feel more connected to the NS journey. Following good feedback from the attendees, we will open the virtual visits to all pre-enlistees enlisting in 2026 along with their families to allow more family members to take part in the BMTC tour and understand more about the importance of NS.
Miss Rachel Ong also asked about how we are encouraging and enabling conversations about Total Defence, especially with our youths.
One way we do so is through our MOU with Temasek Foundation, which was recently renewed to provide cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) and automated external defibrillator (AED) training as well as psychological first aid certification training for all nine uniformed groups. Over the past two years, over 10,000 cadets have undergone CPR-AED training and have been equipped with emergency preparedness skills to react to critical medical emergencies in the community.
We will extend this initiative for an additional year to continue equipping cadets from uniformed groups with valuable knowledge to identify and respond effectively to medical emergencies. Such initiatives strengthen our community resilience and our readiness for crises.
We also want to continue strengthening our engagement of Singaporeans through presenting our defence stories and messages in new and exciting ways.
Dr Wan Rizal asked for an update on our MINDEF/SAF museums. Last August, our Singapore Air Force Museum was handed over to Defence Collective Singapore to operate alongside the Singapore Discovery Centre and Singapore Navy Museum.
The Singapore Air Force Museum will undergo a refresh this year to update its galleries and introduce more engaging and immersive programmes. Beyond the fleet of aircraft on display, the refreshed museum will feature precious artefacts and equipment from the early days of the RSAF, telling the story of the growth and innovation of our Air Force. The public can look forward to visiting the refreshed museum in early 2026.
Looking further ahead, we can look forward to the re-opening of the Army Museum of Singapore in Jurong in 2027 after it completes a major revamp and the opening of the NS Gallery in 2028. These refreshed museums will inspire visitors to defend what it means to be Singaporean. This is part of our overall effort to explore new and innovative ways to expand our reach and put Total Defence into action.
This brings me to my last point – encouraging innovation in support of Total Defence, which Mr Gan Thiam Poh asked about.
For the past three years, I have mentioned the Total Defence Sandbox as our flagship initiative to call for and implement ideas from Singaporeans on how the community can put Total Defence in action. Through the programme, we have received a total of 258 innovative proposals.
This year, I would like to highlight the Total Defence-themed hackathon YouthxHack as an initiative that empowers our youth to put Total Defence into action.
The four-day event organised by Cyber Youth Singapore last September involved over 160 participants across 36 teams coming up with innovative ideas to strengthen the digital, social and economic pillars of Total Defence. Let me highlight one example.
In response to the Hackathon's challenge to enable the public to distinguish between trustworthy and malicious interactions, one of our hackathon teams developed the \"5Seconds\" initiative to provide a secure and scalable communication method between businesses and customers. The application enables convenient and secure communication over email and SMS through encryption, eliminating concerns over phishing and bolstering public trust in our digital communications.
Since the hackathon, the team behind \"5Seconds\" has participated in several events to showcase their solution, including at the Association of Small and Medium Enterprises' Artificial Intelligence Festival Asia event in January, sharing their solution to help improve the digital defence of our companies.
These are just some examples of the projects we have received from youths over the past year, which we are supporting. The active participation and creativity of our youth give me confidence that together, we can build a strong, secure and cohesive nation capable of dealing with any crisis.
Mr Chairman, I would like to close by reiterating that the world we live in is a challenging one and the threat of disruptions in the future is all but certain. MINDEF has been and will continue investing in Total Defence as our best preparation and our best response to these disruptions.
We are doing our part towards meeting the sustainability targets as part of the Singapore Green Plan 2030 to safeguard our collective future.
I am heartened that Singaporeans have also been preparing and equipping themselves and contributing in creative ways towards strengthening Total Defence. We will continue to partner Singaporeans in this shared responsibility of keeping Singapore strong for the future. I am confident that together, we can build a strong, cohesive and secure Singapore for many generations to come. [Applause]
The Chairman: We have time for clarifications. Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim.
Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim: Thank you, Chairman. I also thank the Minister for answering my questions on training safety. I have two clarifications.
I welcome the news that SAF and MOH will consider further medical assistance deployments to help civilians affected in Gaza. First of all, exactly last year, I was with Minister Vivian Balakrishnan in the Middle East. We saw the military humanitarian drop in Gaza, but I must say I was quite concerned about the safety of our troops.
The Minister mentioned how it is not safe right now to establish medical facilities in Gaza, but they are thinking of deploying in safe areas in the region in the coming months. May I ask what would be the size of the deployment in terms of manpower and medical equipment and possibly, the duration of the deployment as well?
Secondly, how do such medical humanitarian assistance deployed in areas of crisis or warzones contribute to our own technological advancement or SAF capability building and overall operational readiness?
Of course, the safety of our troops is of utmost importance and mission success critical.
Dr Ng Eng Hen: Regarding details – when and the size of it. Usually, the process is that we will evaluate sending a needs assessment team. We have already begun to do that. Senior Minister of State Zaqy accompanied the SAF Multi-Role Tanker Transport (MRTT), there was a recent delivery of aid. Subsequently, they went from there to meet some counterparts in Egypt for fact finding.
So, we are at the fact-finding stage. But in response to the Member's question, ultimately, what we deploy, we want it to be meaningful. There will have to be, of course, a medical element. When I mentioned MOH, it is in the context of MOH also has a volunteer programme. Minister Ong has expressed some interest. If they could be co-deployed, we will look for opportunities there. In addition, there was to be security, logistics.
I do not want to give numbers now because we are not there yet. But usually, it is more than what we have deployed there. In terms of duration, we are prepared for a number of weeks or even months, if there is a need. We could also deploy on land or use a hospital ship. So, there are many details. But ultimately, we recognise that it is a humanitarian situation and we want to give medical assistance, and we think the SAF can contribute. How does it affect our operational readiness? The truth is, it will help, but I will not stance the mission for that. It is primarily a humanitarian assistance and disaster relief mission.
The Chairman: Mr Vikram Nair.
Mr Vikram Nair: Just two quick clarifications. The first is on unmanned technologies. I think the Minister mentioned that in relation to drones, the Air Force is going to have a special unit dealing with it. The Army will have a drone accelerator as well. Are there any plans for the Navy to similarly have its own unit dealing with unmanned technologies? That is the first.
The second clarification is – in a world that is increasingly fracturing and alliances may become more uncertain, to what extent are we also doing acquisitions of defence technology locally and helping the local defence industry to grow?
Dr Ng Eng Hen: The Air Force and the Army initiatives to set up units to consolidate or path find for unmanned systems, I have explained. The Navy already, as I mentioned, deploys uncrewed platforms. They are already in operations in the Singapore Strait. The new MRCV will have it. Whether they need a dedicated unit, I leave it to them. That is where I will just leave it.
For procurement, obviously, foreign policy will affect our business dealings. It is often said, trade and security are two faces of the same coin. But there are realities of our current procurement. In terms of the platforms we need, we are always guided by effectiveness and, of course, cost. But the platform has to be effective, has to meet our security needs. And we will buy the best in class. Then, we will see where it is manufactured, the price and also the maintenance.
If there is an option to develop locally, obviously, we will explore the option. For example, as we did for our frigates. The first ship was produced together with the French Direction des Constructions Navales (DCN), but the subsequent five ships were built locally – as we are also building for a number of naval platforms.
I think it is easier for naval platforms because we have got some experience and worked with partners. But even then, certain modules may also have multinational involvement, but yes, it may be built here.
For the Army, as you can imagine, tanks may be a different class, but we could build the Titan, as we build other platforms.
For planes, it is a bit more difficult. It is highly specialised equipment. The planes that we purchase from US manufacturers are deemed to be at the front edge. I think for some time yet, they will continue to be seen as that.
The Chairman: Mr Gerald Giam.
Mr Gerald Giam Yean Song: Sir, the Minister stated that defence spending has fallen from 5% of GDP two decades ago to 3% today, despite nominal increases due to GDP growth.
I agree with the need for steady defence spending to maintain operational readiness, but can the Minister clarify whether the budget requests from MOF each year is actually pegged to Singapore's GDP? And has this peg shifted from 5% to 3% of GDP over the years and, if so, how has this been justified?
Secondly, given that GDP fluctuates from year to year, while the need for operational readiness does not, would it be more prudent to base defence spending on a fixed annual percentage increase from the previous year and on actual and projected operational and development needs? This would avoid a situation where defence spending spikes just because we have strong economic growth in a certain year or drops if the converse happens.
Lastly, I appreciate Senior Minister of State Heng's announcement that NS allowances will increase in July. Has MINDEF considered making CPF contributions to NSFs to support their retirement adequacy?
Dr Ng Eng Hen: I think the primary question is does MINDEF seek defence dollars based on how the GDP goes. That is going to be very hard to plan, because ex ante you do not know how the economy will do. If you ask dollars this year and we go into a COVID-19 pandemic as it did, that is not practical. Or you ask X dollars based on last year's performance and you have conflict, so I am not sure that that system works.
As I said, our starting basis is that defence is a long-term investment business. The starting point must be, not only for Singapore, but for all countries. Actually what we have, is quite amazing, that you can actually start from that basis: what does the military need to secure Singapore's defences? And for any country, that must be the starting basis. Then you say, well, can I afford it and how long do I take to achieve that basis?
It cannot be pegged to the economic performance because it may not be related. I do not think any serious planner would go on that and I would not suggest anybody does that. You start from the basis, what do I need to defend Singapore adequately and then, you say, well, what do I need?
But in practical terms, what is also constrained and is a virtuous state, because our economy has been growing and the Members of this House has supported the defence budget that we have asked for. Our practical constraints have been not so much in dollars but in manpower. That forced SAF to redesign their systems. For instance, if you had operated the previous artillery – remember you needed 12 people to stabilise the base plates and so on – and now, with shoot-and-scoot systems, you only need three people. Or previous naval vessels, which required many more men, but were redesigned so that you require less. I think we try to keep this virtuous state of affairs as long as we can to make sure that we can invest steadily.
Year-to-year fluctuations would occur, whether it is economic, not so much in COVID-19, but remember the Global Financial Crisis? Everybody needs to take a haircut. If you have to take a haircut, you have to take a haircut. That is for national interest. MOF says, \"This is what I have and you have to live within your means\", and we will adjust. But the relationship we have together with MOF is very useful, it is not from year to year, it is over a period. And it allows MINDEF/SAF to make year to year adjustments, but at the same time keep to the overall schedule of building our SAF.
Mr Heng Chee How: Mr Chairman, I thank Mr Giam for his question. The NS allowance, the nature of it, it is in a form of honorarium and for that, CPF is not payable. However, I just wanted to emphasise two points.
One, within the NS journey, they are actually eligible for NS HOME Awards, which are paid out in the course of the NSmen's journey. Those actually come in a mixture of CPF as well as cash. So, if you look at the entire journey, SAF and MINDEF does help to improve or invest in the retirement adequacy for our NSmen as well.
More broadly, I think one should really see how the Government looks after Singaporeans and find different ways in which to help Singaporeans get a good education, to be able to access good jobs and then, to be able to earn and to save in a regular manner. Taken together, we would want to ensure that a Singaporean who works consistently and pays into CPF during his work life, will have the ability to have basic retirement adequacy.
The Chairman: Mr Saktiandi Supaat.
Mr Saktiandi Supaat: Mr Chairman, I would like to thank the Minister for his speech earlier. It was quite extensive and detailed, especially on the geopolitical and military front.
As an economist, I would like to ask a geopolitical and defence-related question in terms of threat assessment, whether the Minister can share whether Singapore can continue balancing US and China interests, especially within these geopolitical dynamics and what your defence outlook would be?
Secondly, is in terms of the wider HADR mission in Myanmar, Australia, Middle East and Afghanistan, that Singapore's military has actually participated in and contributed to, can the Minister share in terms of our costs, what we have spent on those wider HADR missions and given our technical capabilities, and how we have actually contributed to the wider HADR globally?
Dr Ng Eng Hen: Mr Chairman, I encourage the Member to direct that question to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in terms of crafting our foreign policy, which will come after this. And I am sure there are many live questions. How do we deal with other countries? Remember the famous line, \"There are no permanent friends, there are only permanent interests\". And that is true for our countries, as the interest change, as the global system change.
But what I have tried to explain is that we ourselves can be the slow frog that is being boiled. We get socialised to things that are different and we say, \"Well, that is just the norm\". And my overall point is not business as usual. It is not business as usual when the transatlantic relationship is threatened. It is not business as usual when people question whether NATO can survive. It is not business as usual when the US takes a different position and the US vote in the way that it did, compared to previously. And if you think it is business as usual, you are in serious trouble. And the question for us is, what is coming? And the answer to that, as I was trying to explain in historical terms, you do not know.
There was a famous quote which I like to use and this is from Secretary Robert Gates, and I respect him immensely, previous Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) director, serious mien; when you speak to him, you can see the machination in his brain going, the database going. You know he weighs his answers because there is a lot going on. But he made this speech to West Point Cadets graduation. He said and I paraphrase him that the US' record for predicting where they would go into military operations has been perfect. Out of the last 10 military campaigns, they never got it right, 100% wrong. And then he added and this is the clincher, \"We never got it right even a year from deployment.\"
Just think. US, with its vast intelligence; just as US before the Pearl Harbor attack, with its vast intelligence, with a vast machinery, cannot get it right one year before a conflict. If you think what you know what is coming, you tell me, you may be Nostradamus. But I tell you, you can sense something is coming, you just do not know what it is. But when you see machines spinning faster and faster, one will spin out of orbit and something will break.
How do you prepare Singapore and Singaporeans for that kind of scenario? You have to go back to the fundamentals, a united people, a strong SAF, strong security, a working economy, a strong fiscal Budget, a strong fiscal position. It is all fundamentals, because you really do not know what is coming.
How does humanitarian aid help us? We selectively respond. I mean, we have to do our part. I think as Singapore grows in capability and wealth, I think we need to do more, but we are not out there to deal with every humanitarian situations, where we find that there are needs and if we can contribute effectively, we will do so. I can cost it for you in terms of dollars – it is not cheap every time we send a military plane, but that is probably the wrong way of assessing it. For example, when we send an A330 Multi-Role Tanker Transport to deliver goods to Gaza, it would have been less costly to send by commercial means. But we wanted to send a signal and these are the considerations.
The Chairman: On that note, Mr Vikram Nair, would you like to withdraw your amendment?
Mr Vikram Nair: Chairman, I would like to thank Minister Ng Eng Hen, Senior Minister of State Heng Chee How and Senior Minister of State Zaqy Mohamad for sharing the good work of MINDEF and SAF in an increasingly uncertain world. I would also like to thank all the staff at MINDEF and the people of SAF. With that, I withdraw my cut.
[(proc text) Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. (proc text)]
[(proc text) The sum of $22,099,590,500 for Head J ordered to stand part of the Main Estimates. (proc text)]
[(proc text) The sum of $2,226,482,800 for Head J ordered to stand part of the Development Estimates. (proc text)]
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Committee of Supply – Head N (Ministry of Foreign Affairs)","subTitle":"A united, safe and resilient nation in turbulent times","sectionType":"OS","content":"The Chairman: Head N, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mr Vikram Nair again.
Mr Vikram Nair (Sembawang): Chairman, I seek to move, \"That the sum to be allocated for Head N of the Estimates be reduced by $100\".
In the Committee of Supply (COS) last year, the United States (US)-China relationship was described as the \"most consequential\" for international affairs. It appears that this year, one of the most consequential factors is not just this relationship, but the new US administration's recalibration of almost all its international relationships.
Other than US and China, the major powers of the world may be considered the developed world countries, the nuclear powers as well as the G20 economies.
Following the last election in the US, the new administration in its first month in office included plans to impose tariffs on Canada and Mexico, the US' closest neighbours and important trading partners under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Around the same time, tariffs were also threatened against the European Union (EU) countries, hitherto a close ally of the US in both economic and security matters.
Indeed, US is Europe's largest trading partner and most EU countries are also a security ally of the US through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Traditionally, US and Western Europe had been regarded as the \"West\", a group of generally philosophically aligned developed nations. It appears though that this alliance is now under pressure.
The differences on security matters have played out most starkly in positions on the war in Ukraine, with most European NATO allies condemning Russia's attack and supporting Ukraine's right of self-defence.
The US, which was hitherto, being an important supporter of the effort with provision of weapons to Ukraine, seems to now be more focused on a mineral deal with Ukraine and pressuring Ukraine to negotiate a peace deal that may involve giving up large parts of its territory, which was illegally conquered. The most obvious evidence of this rift was US voting along with Russia and North Korea against a resolution in the United Nations (UN) put forward by its Western allies condemning the invasion of Ukraine.
I would like to ask the Minister what impact these shifts in major power alliances will have for Singapore and whether there are any opportunities for Singapore in what appears to be a much less certain world.
In relation to China though, the US position does not seem to have changed significantly between the administrations in terms of direction. The new administration has announced a further increase in tariffs against selected goods from China. These may have less of a dramatic effect as the two countries' economies have already been decoupling since the initial round of tariffs launched more than a decade ago.
At the same time, contestation between the two, especially on the technology front, has intensified. The launch of DeepSeek has demonstrated China's artificial intelligence (AI) capabilities, developed at a much lower cost than its counterparts in the US. It appears the race is very much on between these two great powers on the technology front.
As US-China contestation intensifies, how has Singapore's ties with these major powers changed, and how has our role in the global landscape been affected? What can Singapore do to manage these tensions? Finally, how would Singapore respond to the risks of being caught in this contestation between the US-China in the tech space and on other fronts?
[(proc text) Question proposed. (proc text)]
Ms Poh Li San (Sembawang): Chairman, both the US and China are important partners of Singapore. We have had a long history of friendly relationships with both countries, with strategic cooperation in almost every sector.
The US has been Singapore's largest foreign direct investment partner, with investments in manufacturing, wholesale trade, finance and insurance. China is Singapore's biggest trading partner and Singapore is its largest foreign investor.
The US-China political and trade relations are at their lowest points in years. They have disagreements on many issues and in addition, rivalry has led to a very tense situation.
How should Singapore chart our foreign policy amidst the US-China rivalry, given our close ties with both countries? How can Singapore remain a relevant and trusted partner to both major countries?
Miss Rachel Ong (West Coast): Chairman, Singapore stands at a pivotal moment in our foreign relations, particularly in balancing our ties with the US and China.
As a small nation reliant on global stability, we must carefully navigate the intensifying competition between these two major powers.
Our relationship with the US remains robust. In 2024, we renewed a long-standing agreement that grants US military access to our facilities, further cementing our security partnership. Economically, the US is also our largest foreign investor, with over US$600 billion invested in Singapore in 2023.
At the same time, our ties with China are deepening and continue to grow. In 2023, the China-Singapore Free Trade Agreement was updated, enhancing cooperation in critical areas such as the digital economy and green technology. Singapore is also China's largest foreign investor and plays a pivotal role in the Belt and Road Initiative.
However, challenges persist. The intensifying US-China rivalry over technologies like semi-conductors and artificial intelligence (AI) is creating significant uncertainty for businesses here. Companies in Singapore are grappling with the complexities of navigating regulations and trade restrictions from both sides.
Geopolitical concerns are also rising. China's actions in the South China Sea and its economic practices have sparked apprehension among some Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries. At the same time, despite initiatives like the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, uncertainties persist regarding the US' long-term commitment to the region.
Given the increasingly complex global landscape, how can Singapore continue to strengthen our bilateral relations with both the US and China, while safeguarding our independence and advancing our national interests?
Mr Alex Yam (Marsiling-Yew Tee): Chairman, there is a troubling resurgence of big power contestation and the rising possibility of a hot war with leaders who appear increasingly dismissive of international laws and norms.
History reminds us that powerful nations have always vied for influence. But the speed and intensity of today's power plays are unprecedented. In this volatile environment, smaller states like Singapore cannot afford to be complacent. Just look at what happened in the Oval Office last week. We must remember that when great powers collide, smaller nations must keep their wits, or risk being trampled.
Why does all this matter to Singapore? Singapore thrives because of the integrity of global trade routes and rules-based norms. Any unilateral tariff or sanction, imposed on a whim by the major powers, can batter our economy. For a small but open economy like ours, every disruption at sea, in the air, or even in boardrooms, echoes across our island.
Our sovereignty depends on the global community honouring international laws. If might becomes right, smaller states will find themselves squeezed. The gradual erosion of long-standing norms casts an ominous shadow over our national security. Peace, after all, is delicate; we cannot let the heavy footprints of great powers tread on our Independence.
Amid the shifting calculus of the circles of power in Washington, Beijing, Moscow and beyond, we must stand ready for sudden turns in policy, whether in technology alliances or strategic supply chains. Because in a fluid world where alliances can form and fracture overnight, vigilance and self-reliance are our strongest shields.
Singapore's reliability stems from abiding by international law and seeking peaceful resolution of disputes. This steadfast posture bolsters our credibility. Simply put, we pick no sides; we pick principles.
We continue to nurture strong ties with our partners, while fortifying ASEAN unity. A cohesive regional bloc protects our shared interests and dampens external pressures. A united ASEAN is our best bet against the crosswinds of big power rivalries. However, we have our share of problems.
Mr Chairman, Singaporeans must also realise how vital it is to avoid reflexively choosing sides. That could serve another power's agenda rather than Singapore's. A well-informed, united citizenry is our frontline in foreign policy. When we collectively understand the rationale behind our diplomatic stances, we become a nation that speaks with one voice and stands firm amidst the chaos.
In this epoch of renewed big power contests, Singapore's path must be clear: remain steadfast in our principles, unwavering in our commitment to international law, and yet astute in balancing relationships with all of our partners, big or small. We may be small, but we must stand tall, guided by the power of principle over the principle of power.
I therefore support the Ministry's budget. We must stand behind our Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) officers who work tirelessly to secure Singapore's place in a world increasingly turned on its head.
How do we therefore navigate the complex global landscape becomes ever more important. How does MFA assess our place in this contested landscape? And how do we prepare Singaporeans for the New World Order? Because when the storms of geopolitics rage, Singapore will and must stay resolute, for that is how small states like ours stand our ground.
Mr Mark Lee (Nominated Member): Chairman, as tensions between the US and China remain unresolved, businesses and Singaporeans are concerned about the broader implications on trade, investment and security. Could the Ministry provide an update on Singapore's efforts to navigate these challenges, particularly in maintaining our relevance as a neutral and strategic partner to both the US and China, ensuring continued trade access and investment flows? How is MFA strengthening diplomatic and economic engagements to safeguard Singapore's interests amidst increasing global fragmentation?
Mr Gerald Giam Yean Song (Aljunied): Sir, Singapore's most pressing foreign policy challenge today is managing escalating rivalry between the US and China. As a small state with an open economy, Singapore is highly vulnerable to disruptions from this great power competition. Balancing strong military and economic ties with the US with deep economic links with China requires careful diplomacy, strategic autonomy and economic adaptability.
To mitigate these risks, Singapore should diversify its economy by strengthening trade investment ties with ASEAN and the EU, as well as with India, Japan, South Korea and other growing economies, ensuring that these relationships are based on stable and predictable legal and institutional frameworks.
Changes in US engagement in Asia and rising military tensions with China create new security challenges for Singapore. To strengthen its defence resilience, Singapore should strengthen its defence partnership with the US while expanding security cooperation with more countries, including some of our neighbours in Southeast Asia.
At the same time, Singapore must continue building up the capability and competence of the Singapore Armed Forces to ensure it remains a credible deterrent against emerging threats.
Building diplomatic goodwill through bilateral engagement and assistance will also be important in winning international support for Singapore in times of crisis. MFA should expand efforts to educate businesses, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the public about our strategic interest through town halls and closed hall closed door briefings.
It can also make better use of social media, podcasts and short videos to ensure foreign policy messaging reaches wider domestic and international audiences. Could the Minister outline what MFA is doing in these areas and how it plans to strengthen its such efforts?
Mr Vikram Nair: Chairman, multilateralism has been the cornerstone of our world since the end of World War II. The United Nations, along with the Bretton Woods institutions of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank were the key pillars of a world where major powers acknowledged that this was the best hope for a more prosperous and secure world for everyone.
This was followed by a proliferation of multilateral treaties on a wide range of matters over the decades as countries found more and more areas to cooperate on. Singapore, like many other countries, prospered against this backdrop and is party to a large network of multilateral and bilateral treaties.
In my opening cut, I had discussed how the US seems to be redefining its relationships with both its NAFTA and NATO allies. More troublingly, the US has also announced it will withdraw from the World Health Organisation and the Paris Climate Agreement.
What is the impact of these moves on international co-operation to tackle issues such as pandemics and climate change, and how can small states like Singapore prevent a weakening of the international rules-based order?
Mr Mark Lee: Chairman, Singapore's prosperity depends on a stable and rules-based international system. As global discussions evolve in areas like AI, cybersecurity, and climate change, how is Singapore ensuring that our national interests are protected at multilateral fora? What steps are we taking, to stay actively engaged with key international partners so that we remain influential in shaping policies that impact us?
Given that international law is crucial for a small trade-dependent nation like ours, how is Singapore contributing to efforts to uphold global rules and safeguard our long-term security and economic interests?
Mr Chong Kee Hiong (Bishan-Toa Payoh): Chairman, since the end of World War II, the world has benefited from a stable rules-based international order. As a result, the relative peace and order in most parts of the world have enabled development and economic growth, uplifting millions from poverty and raising the standards of living for people around the globe.
As a small state with no natural resources and whose economy is highly dependent on trade, Singapore has benefited greatly from the conducive global environment brought about by the rules-based international order too. Since our Independence 60 years ago, Singapore has been a keen supporter of globalisation and free trade. We have also participated actively in international organisations, such as the UN and the World Trade Organization. These have fostered Singapore's economic advances and national development over the years and contributed to higher living standards and prosperity for many Singaporeans.
However, the global environment is now changing, with the rules-based international order under immense stress from developments, such as the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war, tensions in the Middle East and recent tariff conflicts. These developments are detrimental to the interests of small states like Singapore.
Against this backdrop, what is Singapore doing to support the upholding of the rules-based international order which is under tremendous stress? With declining support for globalisation, how are we supporting international bodies that promote globalisation which is critical for Singapore's survival and prosperity?
Mr Liang Eng Hwa (Bukit Panjang): Mr Chairman, since the World War II, countries around the world have largely operated under a set of principles, norms, rules and agreements and where nations' sovereignties are respected.
The current state of international affairs and the worrying recent developments have, however, severely threatened this rules-based global order and thrust countries like Singapore into this unchartered territory. Are we seeing the erosions of multilateralism and fraying of the rules-based global order?
In September last year, at the Summit of the Future, under the auspices of the UN, world leaders adopted the Pact of the Future. This aims to reinvigorate and better position multilateral institutions to address complex challenges at a time when multilateralism itself is under pressure. How has Singapore contributed to the Pact for the Future and how will Singapore continue to contribute to strengthening multilateralism?
Mr Kwek Hian Chuan Henry (Kebun Baru): Chairman, since 1965, our core foreign policy has served us well through three distinctive periods in the international world order. The first was the Cold War, a time when global world power was divided into fixed blocs of influence, with parts of Southeast Asia mired in active conflicts. The second came after the fall of the Berlin Wall, ushering in a unipolar world dominated by the United States, where globalisation and free trade became the defining aspects of international relations. And the third part, which emerged from the mid-2010s, has been marked by increasing economic decoupling and geopolitical tensions, with global affairs shaped largely through the lens of US-China rivalry.
Now, with the incoming Trump Administration triggering off tectonic shifts in both global trade and geopolitics, we could be entering a disorderly interregnum. As we celebrate SG60, how can we ensure that Singapore's foreign policy is sufficiently future-proofed for the challenges ahead?
Mr Chong Kee Hiong: Chairman, the world is going through a phase of greater contestation, fragmentation and bifurcation on the global stage. This was born out of a fundamental lack of strategic trust between the major powers. A number of countries are also turning to protectionist and nationalist policies, as they become more insular in their outlook and transactional in their foreign policy. These developments are detrimental to international trade, relations and cooperation among nations, especially for important issues which we need to work together on, like climate change.
Singapore has consistently sought to play a constructive and relevant role on the global stage. As a small nation-state and open economy highly dependent on global trade, we need to do our best to join hands with countries with similar outlooks on mutual cooperation and partnerships.
To better safeguard Singapore's interest, can MFA share how we have been able to build ties with like-minded partners to expand our common interest and amplify our voice and impact in the international arena?
Mr Xie Yao Quan (Jurong): Chairman, not too many years ago, it was put to us that \"a small nation has no foreign policy\". The corollary, of course, is that \"might makes right\"; big countries will do what they can, while small countries will suffer what they must.
Fast forward a few years, these cardinal instincts of big countries are manifesting more and more in our geopolitical realities. Where there was once polite restraint and a basic respect for rules tempered by enlightened self-interest, we now find increasingly naked, unbridled hegemony and hubris.
We now see a big country invading a small country on the basis of historical errors. We see big countries laying claim on the resources and territories of small countries. We see a big country reminding a small country of its place in life, putting a small country in its place in front of world media in the most public of settings.
And we see big countries dealing with one another, bargaining with one another on the fate of a small country, where the small country is on the table, not at the table.
Sometimes, it feels like the world order, as we have known it for the last three decades, is not fraying at the edges; but rather, breaking down from the centre. So, how is a small state like Singapore to face and survive in this new world order? How can we go about maximising strategic space for ourselves in this jungle? And how do we secure our destiny going forward?
Specifically, how can Singapore work even more closely with fellow small states around the world to find strength in numbers and secure our collective future, together?
Mr Vikram Nair: Chairman, the US has been an important ally of Singapore on multiple fronts, including on trade, investments and defence. We have been a reliable ally of the US in this region since our Independence.
On the trade front, the US-Singapore Free Trade Agreement was signed in 2004. According to data from MFA, we have over 5,800 US companies based in Singapore. Our bilateral trade and Singapore's investments in the US in more than 30 states have supported over a quarter million jobs for Americans.
In relation to defence, we have signed several important defence agreements with the US and have training detachments in Idaho, Arizona and Texas, which make us the second largest permanent foreign military contingent in the US. Our forces have regular training exercises with the US.
According to MFA, we have cooperation on many other fronts with the US, including people-to-people exchanges, cooperation on climate, space, critical technologies and cybersecurity. Have any of these wide-ranging areas of cooperation been affected by the change in the US administration?
Recently, the US expressed concerns that some US technologies, specifically, Nvidia chips, may have been moved through Singapore to China, in breach of US trade restrictions on such chips. This incident has cast Singapore in a negative light as a potential backdoor for US tech leakage. What is Singapore doing to manage and correct such perceptions?
Mr Kwek Hian Chuan Henry: Chairman, as the second Trump administration takes shape, Singapore must navigate an evolving geopolitical landscape while maintaining our strong and longstanding partnership with America.
We host significant US fixed asset investments, with many US companies using Singapore to serve the region. Our deep economic interests, ties, defence cooperation and collaborations in areas like finance, trade and technology, have provided a strong foundation for bilateral relations. However, the US' shifting global priorities, differing approaches to trade and taxation, and increasing competition in critical technologies introduce new complexities.
As global supply chains and digital infrastructure become even more strategically sensitive, ensuring continued trust and cooperation will be key. What are some of the areas that we hope to continue to pursue? How can Singapore maintain the trust of the US, especially in potentially sensitive areas, such as cybersecurity, advanced technologies and innovation?
Ms Jessica Tan Soon Neo (East Coast): Mr Chairman, Singapore and the US share a strong and multifaceted relationship, and this has grown over many decades. The bilateral ties between our two countries are defined by strong economic, defence, innovation and people-to-people connections. The US is one of Singapore's largest trading partners.
In line with its current trade policy, the US has demonstrated a readiness to impose new tariffs on various countries. Singapore's economy is highly dependent on trade and any disruption to global trade can have significant impact on Singapore's economic growth and stability. As a small and open economy, Singapore is susceptible to global supply chain disruptions and trade tensions. What potential impact can such tariffs, direct or indirect, have on Singapore? How can we strategically position ourselves to mitigate this impact?
The Chairman: Order. I propose to take a break now.
[(proc text) Thereupon Mr Speaker left the Chair of the Committee and took the Chair of the House. (proc text)]
Mr Speaker: I suspend the Sitting and will take the Chair at 3.50 pm.
Sitting accordingly suspended
at 3.26 pm until 3.50 pm.
Sitting resumed at 3.50 pm.
[Deputy Speaker (Ms Jessica Tan Soon Neo) in the Chair]
[(proc text) Debate in Committee of Supply resumed. (proc text)]
[Deputy Speaker (Ms Jessica Tan Soon Neo) in the Chair]
[(proc text) Head N (cont) – (proc text)]
The Chairman: Mr Sharael Taha.
Mr Sharael Taha (Pasir Ris-Punggol): Mdm Chairperson, with the evolving landscape under the current US administration, how is the Government assessing its potential impact on Singapore-US bilateral relations? In particular, how might shifts in US foreign policy, especially its intensifying rivalry with China, along with changes in economic priorities and trade policies, affect key areas of cooperation, such as defence, trade and technology partnerships?
As a small but globally connected nation, Singapore must carefully balance its relationships with key partners, including the US, China, Europe, ASEAN and other major economies, amidst global fragmentation.
How is the Government ensuring that Singapore strengthens its international ties while upholding a calibrated, independent foreign policy that safeguards our national interests?
Mr Kwek Hian Chuan Henry: Mdm Chairperson, since China's opening in the late 1990s, Singapore and China's economies have grown in tandem, deepening cooperation across multiple sectors. Singapore was an early investor in China's rapid urbanisation, with landmark projects like the Suzhou Industrial Park project and later, the Tianjin Eco-City project.
Financial collaboration is also expanded, with Singapore becoming a key offshore hub for RMB internationalisation and Singapore being the host of Chinese companies as a gateway for Southeast Asian expansion.
Today, as China shifts towards high-tech innovation and sustainable growth, Singapore's expertise in finance, governance and smart city solutions offers new synergies.
What are the areas where Singapore and China share complementary advantages and can work together to benefit the region?
Mr Edward Chia Bing Hui (Holland-Bukit Timah): Mdm Chairperson, strong national unity and domestic support must underpin Singapore's foreign policy. In a multicultural society like ours, differing perspectives on foreign affairs can easily upset our hard-won racial harmony. As the global geopolitical landscape grows more complex and fragmented, it is more important than ever for Singaporeans to stay cohesive in our approach.
Also, in recent times, information is increasingly consumed through social media and messaging apps whose algorithms reinforce specific viewpoints. As a result, the public is less exposed to diverse perspectives than in the past, when traditional media offered a broader range of views.
Can MFA share how it fosters public understanding and national consensus on Singapore's foreign policy priorities? How is MFA adapting its public engagement strategies to make foreign policies more accessible and relevant to Singaporeans and ensure unity in approach?
This year marks 35 years of diplomatic ties between Singapore and China, a relationship built on mutual trust, respect for international norms and adherence to global principles. Despite the growing US-China rivalry, Singapore has remained consistent and principled in our engagement with both powers. However, these international norms are increasingly being challenged and tensions between the two major economies continue to escalate.
Given this shifting geopolitical climate, how is Singapore working to deepen our cooperation with China while maintaining our strategic autonomy? What are our strategies to strengthen bilateral cooperation and people-to-people ties amidst these geopolitical uncertainties?
Ms Poh Li San: Mdm Chair, with global tensions between major powers and an increasing number of countries becoming more nationalistic and protectionist, the mutual cooperation of a rules-based international order is under pressure. At the same time, competition for both material and non-material resources, like highly skilled manpower in specialised fields, has intensified.
Against this backdrop, how can we safeguard Singapore's interests on the international stage and secure the necessary resources, maintain ties, mutual support and cooperation with our partners? How can Singapore ensure that we remain at the forefront in emerging areas, such as AI, cyberspace, digital economy, green economy and outer space, and promote cooperation in these areas?
Mr Neil Parekh Nimil Rajnikant (Nominated Member): Mdm Chair, as we navigate the rapidly changing global landscape, Singapore's continued success hinges on our ability to maintain a competitive edge, especially in frontier issues and emerging technologies. But we must be wondering what MFA got to do with all these?
As MFA plays a crucial role in global diplomacy, strengthening international partnerships in critical areas of technology is vital. By engaging with like-minded countries and multinational corporations, we can create avenues for knowledge sharing, joint ventures and access to new markets.
How can we maintain Singapore's competitive edge on frontier issues, especially on critical and emerging technologies, and ensure that we continue to be an attractive hub for investment and R&D?
Critical and cutting-edge sectors, such as AI, biotechnology and quantum computing, will define the future of industries worldwide. Our challenge, therefore, is not only to keep pace with these developments but to position ourselves as a global leader in these fields.
To achieve this, we must focus on three key areas – fostering innovation, strengthening international partnerships and creating a conducive environment for investment and R&D.
Chairman, maintaining our competitive edge on frontier issues is essential to Singapore's future success. Let us continue to be a global leader in technological innovation and an attractive hub for investment and research.
Ms Joan Pereira (Tanjong Pagar): Mdm Chair, Prime Minister Lawrence Wong and Malaysian Prime Minister Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim co-chaired the 11th Annual Malaysia-Singapore Leaders' Retreat in January 2025. It is one of our numerous bilateral events to strengthen our ties. It is heartening to note that our countries are committed to deepening our cooperation across more areas which will benefit citizens of both nations, including connectivity, trade, investment, culture, education, digitalisation and sustainability.
Would the Ministry provide an update on the current state of Singapore-Malaysia relations and what are some of the key initiatives to further enhance bilateral cooperation, especially as both sides commemorate the 60th anniversary of bilateral relations this year?
Mr Chong Kee Hiong: Mdm Chair, Singapore and Malaysia celebrate the 60th anniversary of our diplomatic ties this year. As close neighbours, our relations with Malaysia are built on a strong foundation of mutual trust and win-win cooperation.
At the 11th Malaysia-Singapore Leaders' Retreat co-chaired by Prime Minister Lawrence Wong and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim in January 2025, a host of agreements was signed, including an MOU on higher education and an exchange of letters on the Malaysia-Singapore English Volunteers Programme. Both prime ministers also witnessed the exchange of an agreement on the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone, which will harness the complementary strengths of Singapore and Johor to attract new investment projects globally.
Could MFA share what are some of the other key areas covered at the 11th Malaysia-Singapore Leaders' Retreat and what other areas are both sides committed to cooperate on?
Mr Vikram Nair: Mdm Chairperson, Indonesia, one of our immediate neighbours, is the largest country and economy in ASEAN. We have had a long-standing and close historic relationship with Indonesia and were both founding members of ASEAN.
In 2024, three landmark agreements were signed with Indonesia covering areas, such as airspace, extradition and military training. These agreements were negotiated between teams led by Senior Minister Teo Cheen Hean for Singapore and Indonesia's Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investments, Mr Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan. This was signed at the leaders retreat and witnessed by then-Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and President Jokowi. These agreements resolved and provided clarity on some long-standing matters in our bilateral relationship.
In October last year, President Prabowo was sworn-in as Indonesia's new President. He met with Prime Minister Lawrence Wong in November 2024 and both leaders agreed on several areas of cooperation, including, according to a Straits Times report —
The Chairman: Mr Nair, could you round up?
Mr Vikram Nair: Yes, thank you. In areas like defence, digital technologies, healthcare and trade. Will the Minister elaborate on the plans for the bilateral relationship with Indonesia in the coming year?
Mr Chong Kee Hiong: Mdm Chair, Singapore and Indonesia enjoy warm ties and has had a long history of strong cooperation across a range of sectors, including health, defence, education, culture and the environment. Singapore has been a top foreign investor in Indonesia in the last decade. We had several high-level exchanges with Indonesia last year, under the new administration of Indonesian President Prabowo Sudianto. Prime Minister Lawrence Wong visited Indonesia twice and met with President Prabowo.
During Prime Minister Wong's last visit in November 2024, both sides discussed deepening cooperation in defence, trade and investments, digital technologies and healthcare in addition to Indonesia's priority sectors, such as food security, energy security and human capital development.
Will the Ministry provide an update on the major initiatives for bilateral cooperation following the entry into force of the agreements under the expanded framework in March 2024 and what are the next major initiatives for bilateral cooperation that we can look forward to?
Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim (Chua Chu Kang): Madam, Singapore and Brunei share a deep and enduring friendship. Our ties go beyond diplomacy. We have close defense, economic and cultural connections that continue to strengthen over the years. From the Currency Interchangeability Agreement, which has linked our economies since 1967, to regular defense collaborations and warm people-to-people ties, our relationship is a model of trust and partnership.
As we look to the future, we must continue to support each other, ensuring that our friendship remains as strong and as steadfast as ever. Last year, in 2024, President and then-Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and Prime Minister Lawrence Wong each had successful visits to Brunei, which underscored our special relationship with Brunei. How are both sides continuing to deepen our partnership, especially between our younger generations?
Mr Don Wee (Chua Chu Kang): Mdm Chairperson, Singapore was one of the founding members of ASEAN when it was established on 8 August 1967, along with Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand. Can the Minister outline Singapore's efforts to strengthen ties with Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, Laos and Cambodia?
Singapore strongly supports ASEAN's goal of building a strong, prosperous and rules-based ASEAN. Will the Ministry share an update on the recent initiatives of the ASEAN Community, comprising the ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC), the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) as well as the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC)?
ASEAN has been projected to be one of the fastest-growing regions of the global economy. Domestic demand is expected to continue expanding. Foreign direct investment into ASEAN is expected to remain strong, as multinational companies seek to diversify their manufacturing supply chains towards Southeast Asian industrialised nations. What are some key areas for cooperation between Singapore and our ASEAN partners, including renewable energy imports as well as sustainability-related initiatives? In addition, how will the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone enhance opportunities for Singaporean businesses?
The Chairman: The next Member is not here. Miss Rachel Ong.
Miss Rachel Ong: Chairman, while ASEAN's economy grew by an estimated 4.5% in 2024, we are confronted with pressing challenges that demand immediate attention. Three key trends in the region are particularly concerning. First, the growing economic disparity among ASEAN nations threatens our regional integration efforts. While countries like Singapore and Malaysia advance in manufacturing and digital services, nations, such as Myanmar and Laos, require increased support in infrastructure and digital connectivity.
Second, the region faces increased pressure from global supply chain disruptions. The recent Red Sea shipping crisis, which caused freight costs to surge by up to five times, has severely impacted our export dependent economies.
Third, despite ASEAN's commitment to digital transformation, a 2023 survey of 750 SMEs across ASEAN-5 found that three in four SMEs remain in the early stages of digitalisation.
Given these challenges, I would like to ask: how can Singapore collaborate with fellow ASEAN member states and external partners to strengthen economic integration in the region?
Mr Liang Eng Hwa: Mdm Chair, global geopolitical situation today has changed substantially from the time of Committee of Supply last year. The global contestation has become more intense with major economic powers now engaging in tit-for-tat tariffs and increasingly troubling posturing and unilateral actions. Countries in the region are understandably worried and evaluating the implications under this new landscape. ASEAN has to manage its relationship with the new US administration and interrelated to that, is the new dynamics in the region. Under this new setting, how can we ensure that ASEAN's continues its relevance and centrality in the region? How can ASEAN respond to this new uncertain and unsettling global landscape?
Ms Sylvia Lim (Aljunied): Madam, the Myanmar civil war is now entering its fifth year. Causalities continue to mount. The United Nations for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs estimates that 15 million people face acute food insecurity and 3.5 million people are internally displaced due to the conflict. This comes on top of thousands killed and imprisoned. The break down in governance has created permissive conditions for organised crime to fester, including scam and fraud operations that affect Singaporeans.
Today's world is already unstable and dangerous enough as it is. To have one more area of insecurity that is so close to home, only makes already difficult circumstances complicated for Singapore. The current situation looks dire. ASEAN's Five-Point Consensus has been criticised for its slow implementation, which is not helped by the complex situation in Myanmar and the deep distrust between the warring parties.
It has been noted that the Five-Point Consensus does not have a formal way to engage all the major warring parties and seems to provide fuel, if any, incentives for the military junta to restrain from access or negotiate an end to violence with other parties. From time to time, reports point to Singapore-based firms having alleged complicity in the bloodshed in Myanmar even though the agencies here are reportedly trying to address the issue. Such conditions may even challenge the ability of ASEAN and its members, including Singapore, to work for a post-conflict Myanmar.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs repeated on multiple occasions that Singapore stands on principle. They include supporting a rules-based order, supporting international law, finding common cause with as many partners as possible and cooperating with our close neighbours. Doing so, according to the Minister, supports Singapore's survival and prosperity. Could the Minister elaborate on how he intends to apply these principles to working more effectively with various parties and strengthening ASEAN mechanisms to facilitate peace in Myanmar and support the country's future reconstruction?
Mr Sitoh Yih Pin (Potong Pasir): Mdm Chairperson, the members of ASEAN comprise of Singapore's closest and most important neighbour states. The ASEAN Charter serves as a firm foundation for an ASEAN Community with a legal status and institutional framework for ASEAN. ASEAN is important because as neighbour states, we share many common interests and, when we advocate and present ourselves as a regional bloc, we are able to navigate the international geopolitical arena as a stronger, collective force.
In this context, we have an obligation, as ASEAN member states, to support and look out for one another. It is, therefore, with much concern when we observe the current situation in Myanmar. While it is reassuring that ASEAN had quickly, in 2021, issued a Five-Point Consensus on the situation in Myanmar, it appears from the recent ASEAN Leaders' Review and Decision on the Implementation of the Five-Point Consensus last year that there has been an escalation of conflict with little improvement in the humanitarian situation in Myanmar.
In this context, can I invite the Minister to share whether and how Singapore, as an ASEAN member state, can facilitate the progress on the situation in Myanmar in light of the lack of progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus on the Myanmar side?
The Minister for Foreign Affairs (Dr Vivian Balakrishnan): Mdm Chairperson, this is the 10th time I am addressing the Committee of Supply (COS) as the Minister for Foreign Affairs and I have never seen the world more disrupted, more volatile or more dangerous. So, this is a more sombre, a more careful and a brutally frank message this year. The common thread in all the intervention so far has been this big question: has the post-World War Two liberal world order come to an end? This is a world order which has prevailed for eighty years.
In 2025, Singapore celebrates our 60th anniversary, but it is also the 80th anniversary of the end of the Second World War. In these six decades, successive generations of hardworking and disciplined Singaporeans have built up our tiny city-state into an outstanding beacon of economic and social success. That we did so without any natural resources or past fiscal reserves is all the more remarkable. But we should also be realistic and humble enough to be cognisant that there were external factors that were very conducive to our success.
The post-World War liberal world order was characterised by first, the proliferation and the rise of free trade and global supply chains and multinational enterprises; second, the establishment of multilateral institutions, United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the World Trade Organization (WTO) for trade, and the World Health Organization (WHO) for health; third, the development of international law and the treaties to protect the global commons, including, for instance, the United Nations' Convention on the Law of the Sea, the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, the Treaty for Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdictions (BBNJ).
This world order was initially envisioned and underwritten by the US and supported by its transatlantic allies in Western Europe. In turn, it was boosted by the reform and opening (改革开放) in China, under Mr Deng Xiaoping, since 1978. The economic liberalisation of India under Prime Minister Narasimha Rao since 1991; and the integration of ASEAN economies, especially at the end of the Cold War, when Indochina joined us.
This global order was very favourable for a tiny city-state, which has a trade volume three times our gross domestic product (GDP); and Singapore's role as a global financial centre and our business ecosystem, with intensive interactions between local and foreign companies engaged in advanced manufacturing and the provision of sophisticated services for a global market. In a sense, the point I am making is that Singapore enjoyed the best of many worlds and we were able to go to fire on all cylinders.
Unfortunately, the world is now shifting from unipolarity to multipolarity, from free trade to protectionism, from multilateralism to unilateralism, from globalisation to hyper-nationalism, from openness to xenophobia, from optimism to anxiety. And this is a global change, not just in one place.
The big powers are taking a narrower view of their national interests and they are adopting a more transactional, frankly sometimes, even more coercive approach. And because there is a lack of strategic trust between the big powers, each of them has deep anxiety to stay ahead of each other.
These profound shifts have ushered in an era of sharper rivalry, autarky and the fracturing of global supply chains. Countries have turned inwards, ostensibly in the name of national security, resilience and de-risking in order to secure their individual interests in this turbulent environment. This is not merely a sudden temporary change in diplomatic weather. This is geostrategic climate change. A new world order is taking shape and is characterised by profound unpredictability, instability and volatility.
The question then is what does this portend for us in Singapore? This is a question on all your minds.
There are three broad sets of implications for Singapore.
First, on the economic front. The US, for a very long time, was the main advocate for freer trade globally. Post-World War II, the US had a disproportionate share of global gross domestic product (GDP) at 40%. Today, the US’ share of global GDP has declined to around 26%, although in absolute nomimal terms, its GDP has grown tremendously. It is a completely understandable political question for the domestic American voter to say, why should the US continue to unilaterally underwrite this liberal world order which, in fact, has brought peace and prosperity for so many other countries around the world.
And so, over the last decade, the US has progressively shifted to a more nationalist approach, in response to what it deems to be unfair trade measures and free riding. The new US administration clearly sees tariffs as a means to address non-trade-related policy objectives, including national security, local job creation, more resilient supply chains and bargaining leverage. Other major countries are also using similar restrictions on trade more frequently, and not always confining themselves to trade-related issues.
Tariffs are being applied to partners, competitors and adversaries alike. The US has announced tariffs on Canada, Mexico and China, and in turn, these countries have also signalled retaliatory measures. Tit-for-tat tariffs by other countries could easily escalate into a global trade war.
Singapore, so far, has not been targeted directly. But even if we are not, we will still be affected. These tariffs will have a major impact on the volume and patterns of world trade and significantly affect us. The first level, as a transshipment hub and with all the other global services that we provide to the world. There will be supply chain disruptions, there will be more volatile prices. And it is worth remembering, if you cast your mind back to the 1930s, the Great Depression, retaliatory “beggar-thy-neighbour” policies, in fact, slowed growth rates everywhere. So, we need to be prepared for this.
But the problems go beyond just trade and tariffs. Because, in fact, there are also implications on the global financial systems and the way frontier technology, which some of the Members have referred to, is being developed, is being shared and is being exploited. In a sense, all these levers, tariffs, financial systems and technology may be weaponised.
Because Singapore operates as an open economy that is deeply integrated with all the big powers around the world, we trade, invest and access technologies from all of them. We are a vital node in a global network. We connect and enable interoperability. The Singapore model is built on trust, openness and a level playing field. We allow companies from all over the world to operate here as long as they play by the rules. And that is how we have survived and thrived for six decades.
This open paradigm that has served us so well for six decades is now at risk.
Unfortunately, technology has become a focal point for strategic contestation between the big powers. And as countries bid to stay ahead, several have imposed restrictions and export controls on semi-conductor chips, critical minerals and on data.
For instance, the US’ AI Diffusion Rule, although not yet finalised and is still subject to changes, but this rule essentially will limit the export of advanced chips that are essential for AI. China’s retaliatory restrictions on its own export of critical minerals to the US will also disrupt supply chains, raise production costs and have an impact on global research and development and innovation.
And amidst the heightened scrutiny over advanced technology, Singapore may be criticised for working with or hosting companies and officials from one side or the other, or both. There will be centrifugal pressure from all sides that will make it increasingly hard for us to operate and it will threaten our raison d’être as an open hub.
The second set of implications is on war and peace.
The Russia-Ukraine war has now entered its fourth year. In its immediate aftermath, global energy and food prices surged, and this worsened global inflation in 2022. Russia cited “historical errors” and “crazy decisions” to justify an invasion and to annex territory of its smaller neighbour.
As a tiny city state that has been independent for only 60 years, this immediately rang alarm bells for us in Singapore. I have known the Russian Foreign Minister for quite a long time, so we have very open conversations. And in 2022, I explained to him that because of Singapore’s circumstances, we had to uphold the principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity.
Similarly, I had a telephone conversation with my counterpart from Ukraine, Andrii Sybiha, last week. I asked him about the war. Not about the details, the operational details, but about why this was happening. And he told me, and I am paraphrasing, that this war was about his country’s sovereignty, his country’s territorial integrity and freedom to choose how to organise a society and to have a closer strategic relationship with Europe. And then, for good measure, he added laconically, “and our critical minerals”.
Both Russia and Ukraine, and I have taken pains to emphasise that all my interactions with the foreign ministers, know that Singapore is upholding principles and we are not taking sides.
The Europeans and Americans initially responded forcefully to defend Ukraine and to isolate Russia. But recent pronouncements and actions by the new US administration, most recently, the dramatic live video from the Oval Office, have dramatically underlined a change in long-standing US policy. It is now clear that the trans-Atlantic relationship is under severe strain and NATO members are now seriously and urgently rethinking their strategic and security situation and their policy options. In fact, meetings are going on even now as we speak.
And, cast your mind one more step. After the failure of the security guarantees for Ukraine that were given in 1994 in exchange for giving up its nuclear weapons. After what has happened to Ukraine, I doubt any current nuclear or proto-nuclear weapon state will ever give up its nuclear option, and all this makes for a much more dangerous world.
Closer home, tensions in the South China Sea, through which one-third of global trade passes through, continue to simmer. The Taiwan Strait remains a potential flashpoint and we all know that tensions have increased in recent years.
All these global developments, on both the economic and geostrategic fronts, have profound implications for us. The rules-based international order that has prevailed for 80 years at risk of degenerating into the law of the jungle, where “might makes right”. International law, the UN Charter, the principles of sovereign equality, political independence, and territorial integrity have all been severely eroded. We may, in fact, be reverting to a time when the world is divided into blocs controlled by big powers. And by definition, this must mean the loss of choice and autonomy for small states.
I recall a speech that Mr Lee Kuan Yew gave back in 1973, the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting. He referred to an old African proverb, that “when elephants fight, the grass suffers”. But he added one additional line, “and when elephants make love, it is disastrous.” I would not go through the powerful imagery, but the point is, when big powers are on the move, for whatever reason, it is a dangerous time for the rest of us.
Third implication is our ability to respond collectively to global threats and safeguard the global commons has been significantly impaired.
The collective commitment to international institutions such as the WTO and WHO as well as compliance with international treaties like the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement that resulted from it, are all waning. Imagine, is the world today in a better state to deal with another pandemic, given a severely weakened WHO, and how are we going respond to climate change if we do not have the institutions and the processes to protect the global commerce?
Let us return back to Singapore again. Our foreign policy begins at home and it must always be a balance between realism and idealism. It means that we must have no illusions about our place in the world. But small as we are, for 60 years, we have refused to adopt a fatalistic posture.
We have insisted on agency to build our strength, to protect our sovereignty, maintain our relevance and to create political and economic space for ourselves. We strive to be useful, but not to be made use of. And of course, to avoid becoming a sacrificial pawn between big powers.
I have dwelt at length on the dangers arising from the end of the previous world order. The point is I am making an appeal for us all to be alert, to be realistic and to be careful in dangerous times. But a note of caution is not a call for pessimism because, in fact, Singapore has good reason to have confidence in our future, due to the pioneering work of our past generations.
Today, we are in a strong position. Our core strengths are based on three key pillars: first, our economic strength and our reserves; second, our ability to stand on our two feet and to defend ourselves; and third, our domestic cohesion.
Because of our strength economically, we cannot be bullied or bought. We have significant national reserves, and if the biggest criticism that we face in this Budget is budget marksmanship and having more reserves than we had anticipated, I think that is a reason for celebration, considering the circumstances in which we are going into. This is an enormous advantage.
On the international stage, if you have to put your hand out for assistance, it means you have no say. It is a big advantage for Singapore not to have to beg for aid. We have no need for assistance or loans that will subject us to external pressure. We are not dependent on any single external partner. And perhaps even more importantly, and you have just heard Minister Ng's speech earlier, we do not depend on any external country to defend Singapore. We have the capability and the will to defend ourselves. For six decades, we have invested fiscal resources, approved by Parliament, and every man in this Chamber and his son has served National Service.
The fact that everybody knows that we are good for our money and we put our blood where we stand on, is the core of deterrence and respect. But all this is not enough if we did not have unity at home, and we need to live up to the pledge to be one united people, regardless of race, language or religion. And on this note, I want to thank the Opposition that so far, we have worked on the basis that politics stops at the water's edge, and our diplomacy works because we have painstakingly forged and maintain domestic consensus on our core long-term interest in foreign policy priorities.
Our diversity in Singapore does mean that from time to time, Singaporeans will have different views on developments around the world, and we have to provide space for this diversity to be expressed, but without letting it become a means to divide us as a country.
A clear example is the disaster in Gaza. It is a deeply emotional issue and many Singaporeans feel very deeply about this, have expressed a range of emotions, and sometimes, even conflicting emotions on this point.
But let me be clear. When we make our foreign policy decisions, we do so on the basis of national interest. The attack by Hamas on 7 October 2023 was an act of terror. No ifs, buts, root causes and justifications. And the reason why we have to be so categorical is because if Singapore was ever attacked in this way – and the risks are not zero – but if Singapore was ever attacked in this way, we too would certainly exercise our right of self-defence to the full. And it is why that in the aftermath of that attack we had strongly reaffirmed the right to self-defence.
You see, in the case of both Ukraine and Hamas, we took positions for our own sake, for our own national interest, and not because we were taking sides. At the same time, that right of self-defence must be consistent with international law, humanitarian law and the Geneva conventions, and that is why we told Israel, directly and personally, that Israel's military response has gone too far. And we say all this because it is in our national interest for international law to be upheld and not to be flouted.
Singapore's long-standing position on the Israeli-Palestinian issue is that the only path to a just, durable and comprehensive peace is a negotiated two-state solution, and we have consistently supported the right of the Palestinian people to a homeland of their own since the 1960s. In fact, since we became Independent. To this end, we will continue to support the Palestinian Authority to build the capacity and to prepare for eventual statehood, and we do so through our enhanced technical assistance package.
But that is not enough, because we all do feel deep sympathy for the immense suffering of the civilians, and thus far, Singapore and Singaporeans have contributed seven tranches of aid and monetary donations to Gaza worth over $19 million – and we will do more. Funds are being collected, even now in this month, the holy month of Ramadan. I thank Singaporeans for your generosity.
You heard Minister Ng explain that we make the extra effort to deliver these supplies through the Republic of Singapore Air Force.
It is crucial, therefore, that we stay united and keep being able to adopt this collective constructive approach, even when we have different views to events and tragedies far from our shores. And a deeper reason why we need to do this is because if conflict broke out nearer to us, in Asia, it will not only have even greater emotional resonance, it will have a larger economic impact and it will also elicit a range of reaction from our people, and it will be even harder to manage.
It is also worth remembering that there will always be external actors who will try to influence the views of our people and take advantage of our diversity. In fact, long before the onset of kinetic action, we must expect grey zone tactics to be used to divide and polarise our people. And so, we must be prepared. We can have different views, but we will stay united and we will close ranks on issues of national interest, so that we can ultimately secure what is best for Singapore.
Let me turn now to the question of how are we going to conduct our foreign policy in these tumultuous times. How are we going to engage the world and our partners in this rapidly changing landscape, given that we are not sure where the next conflict or consummation of a condominium between big powers will occur.
And as Minister Ng put it, a very stark reminder, if anyone says they know exactly what is going to happen next, that shows a very dangerous delusion. You do not know what is going to happen next, but you know that we are living in dangerous times. So, fundamentally, our foreign policy must continue to be anchored by long-standing principles that have kept us afloat for six decades, even whilst we make tactical adjustments, or even strategic adjustments to our approach.
We must maintain an omni-directional, a balance and a constructive engagement with all partners. Yes, I know is going to be more difficult when they are quarrelling with each other, but in fact, all the more important, we have to work at it.
So, Mr Mark Lee, Mr Henry Kwek, Mr Vikram Nair, Ms Poh Li San have asked how we can continue to build on our honest and constructive relations with the US and China, amidst their rivalry. I believe it is crucial that we maintain our ties with both countries, given our significant equities with both.
The US is the largest foreign investor in Singapore, by far. It is our top trading partner in services. It is our third largest trading partner in goods. And on the defence front, Minister Ng has already explained to you, how we are the US' only major security cooperation partner and we have a mutually beneficial relationship.
Meanwhile, China is our top trading partner in goods. Many of our companies are invested in China. In fact, according to China's statistics, Singapore is their largest foreign investor. And of course, we have strong people-to-people ties, historical and cultural ties. Both the US and China are also at the frontier of many leading technologies, whether it be AI, biotechnology or green energy.
We must be able to continue to work with both of them and ensure that our relations are mutually beneficial. We will never be the largest trading or strategic partner to either China or the US, basically, because we are a small country, but we can be amongst their most reliable and consistent partners. And that is valuable and appreciated by both of them.
We have maintained our relevance and credibility with both powers by being consistent, by being transparent and being constructive. We do not simply tell them what they want to hear, but we are principled, we are trustworthy and we play a straight game. And both of them know that when Singapore takes a stand, it is not because we are doing it at the behest of its rival, of its adversary, but that we take a stand because we have done our own calculation of what is in our long-term enlightened national interest.
Moving on to our immediate neighbourhood, we must continue to strengthen our ties in our region, bilaterally, especially and most intensively, with Malaysia and Indonesia, and obviously with ASEAN. We will continue to do so on the basis of interdependency, mutual respect and aim to build healthy relations, which will be crucial for stability and growth of our entire region.
Ms Joan Pereira and Mr Vikram Nair has asked about the state of our relations with Malaysia and Indonesia, respectively. I think we all know there is much to be gained by working together constructively with your most immediate neighbours.
With Malaysia, we continue to work on the delimitation of our maritime boundaries. There is still some areas there to be settled. We are working. We are negotiating on airspace and on water. Both Prime Minister Lawrence Wong and Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim have committed to not allow any single issue to overshadow our overall positive agenda. And we are pursuing mutually beneficial projects, both bilaterally and regionally, to strengthen connections and connectivity for the long term.
With Indonesia, the expanded framework agreements on airspace, defence and extradition entered into force last year, and this was a major achievement. President Prabowo has now taken over. Fortunately for us, he is familiar with Singapore and we have been able to work well with him. In fact, Prime Minister Lawrence Wong was the first foreign leader to visit Jakarta after President Prabowo took office. We are making good progress, including in areas like renewable energy, human capital development and particularly, in the fields of education and healthcare.
Mr Liang Eng Hwa asked how we can ensure ASEAN's continued relevance and centrality. It is worth remembering that ASEAN was founded in 1967 on the principle that either we hang together or we will be hung separately. It was forged in a time when Southeast Asia was an arena for proxy wars during the Cold War period, and ASEAN's founder members were the non-communist part of Southeast Asia. Given that we are now entering another dangerous volatile phase, this concept of hanging together has just become even more salient.
ASEAN, so far, has been able to maintain regional peace and stability, and enabled all of us collectively to focus on economic growth and in particular, economic integration. All member states are concerned about the wider geopolitical developments and the intensifying contestation. And ASEAN's convening power will remain relevant and important in the years ahead, to ensure that whilst we do not want to be an arena for proxy wars, we do want to be a safe harbour where all powers will have a stake in our success, and that we can maximise opportunities and autonomy for ASEAN member states.
We must also do far more with one another and double down on ASEAN's economic integration in order to improve our collective value proposition and collective resilience, especially in food and energy.
We are looking to conclude negotiations on the ASEAN Trade in Goods Agreement Upgrade this year, which will grow intra-ASEAN trade. We are also making progress in new economic areas. We aim to conclude the Digital Economy Framework Agreement (DEFA) this year and we are making progress on the ASEAN Power Grid.
Beyond our immediate neighbourhood, it is also crucial for us to make common cause with as many partners as possible, including India, Japan, the Middle East, Africa, Europe, Latin America, Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific Islands. I can say my diplomats have worked very hard to expand our network of overlapping circles of friends.
We already have an extensive network of 27 free trade agreements (FTAs) that cover 90% of our trade. My counterparts from some of these other countries have shared that they, too, are concerned about the impact of increasing contestation and rising protectionism. They, too, would prefer a world that is open and committed to trade.
This means that even though free trade has had a setback, we can still make common cause with those who believe it is a formula for mutual peace and prosperity, and we have got to keep that flame going.
So, for instance, Members may or may not be aware that we have been able to sign new trade agreements in the last few years. For instance, Mercosur in 2023, which is Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay; and the Pacific Alliance, which is Peru, Chile, Mexico, Columbia, in 2022.
If you actually pay attention to these countries, in fact, their elections have thrown up a very wide diversity of political parties, but they have all been keen to do free trade agreements with us. We believe this will expand markets and increase opportunities for us in Latin America.
We are also pressing ahead on the digital economy. Singapore, New Zealand and Chile signed the Digital Economy Partnership Agreement in 2020. The Republic of Korea (ROK) became the latest entrant to this agreement in 2024 and there are several other aspirants in the queue with whom we are in discussion. We have also concluded negotiations on the EU-Singapore Digital Trade Agreement in July 2024.
We agreed to elevate relations with India to a comprehensive strategic partnership and we are well-poised to participate in India's growth potential.
With Australia, we are setting an ambitious agenda for the next phase of our comprehensive strategic partnership, which will be refreshed this year. It will cover cooperation in emerging areas like AI, biotechnology and renewable energy. We will also elevate our enhanced partnership with New Zealand.
We will continue to work closely with Japan which remains committed to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and to closer economic ties. With the Republic of Korea, we are working to upgrade relations to a strategic partnership later this year.
We have also upgraded relations with the UK and Germany to a strategic partnership and we are working to enhance relations with France to a comprehensive strategic partnership.
Our relations with the Gulf are also robust. This year, we signed an MOU establishing a Strategic Partnership Council with Saudi Arabia. Last October, we had eight MOUs with the United Arab Emirates in social development, leadership development, AI and civilian nuclear energy.
We are also stepping up engagement of Africa, a centre of growth for the future.
So, as you can see, we have been working very hard on this strong, wide network of partners with whom we can trade, invest, do business with and engage in constructive partnerships on these emerging issues. Not bad, considering the zeitgeist of our times.
At the UN, we continue to be a staunch advocate for multilateralism, for adherence to international law, for the importance of the UN Charter. This system is vital for countries, big and small, in order for us to have a chance to compete on a level playing field.
Mr Chong Kee Hiong and Mr Mark Lee have asked about this. Singapore must and will remain a strong supporter of multilateralism. We will make common cause and we will stand up for this.
This is why we established the Forum of Small States (FOSS) back in 1992, which now has 108 members. In fact, this is a majority of members of the UN. FOSS is a platform to foster closer cooperation, reinforce multilateralism and support the developmental aspirations of small states. And we will continue to strengthen and improve the existing international architecture and ensure that it is fit-for-purpose. Our mantra is that it is better to reform than to risk a revolution that will destroy the old regime, the old order, the old arrangements completely, because the alternative is bad for small states.
That is why we welcomed the adoption of the Pact of the Future, the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations at the Summit for the Future in 2024. This was a significant milestone for the international community. It demonstrated that the UN is still, from time to time, against great difficulty, able to arrive at consensus and able to advance the agenda for collective good.
International law is also important for us. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) provides the legal framework that ensures that freedom of navigation and overflight is a right and not exercised only by the grace of any resident big power. Without UNCLOS and the right of transit passage, Singapore would effectively be \"sea-locked\". So, it is a crucial plank of international law for Singapore.
Despite the challenges, with patient and skillful diplomacy, the point I am trying to make is that it is still possible to arrive at international agreements by consensus.
Another recent example was the adoption of the treaty on Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ). This agreement was settled in June 2023. Our Ambassador Rena Lee presided over the inter-governmental conference. Again, she very skillfully managed to bring all parties together, arrive at the treaty, by consensus. She has done incredibly well. We are nominating her for the International Court of Justice elections due in November 2026. I hope all Members will support this nomination as well.
Mdm Chair, staying open and nimble in seizing new opportunities in technological frontiers has also been the other cylinder for Singapore's success. The short answer to the question Members have raised on how to maintain our access to frontier technology, the short answer is: openness and trust. We must actively create opportunities that will enable Singapore to be a magnet for ideas, technology, talent and capital.
Mr Neil Parekh and Ms Poh Li San have asked how we can do this, especially in critical and emerging technology, and given the contestation between the big powers. We already have actively advanced cooperation with a range of like-minded partners on emerging technology. This includes our partners like the US, China, India, UK, Japan, Germany, France and Australia.
We remain clear-eyed that there is strategic contestation between the major powers and it does complicate our attempts to create an open platform. Nevertheless, we remain plugged into international conversations on technology standards and norm settings, in line with our own national interests.
Our permanent representative to the UN in New York, Mr Burhan Gafoor, serves as the chairman of the UN Open-ended Working Group on security of and in the use of information and communications technology (ICT). That means he has to work intensively with the entire international community to advance policy discussions, norms and generate practical solutions to preserve international peace and security in cyberspace and maximise opportunities. Members can imagine that during a time of fractures, to be able to engage all parties and to make progress, no matter how difficult it is, is a major achievement, and he deserves full credit for it.
Domestically, our strong rule of law and trust in our system will be crucial if we want to be able to attract and retain technology and, I need to emphasise, talent from all over the world.
Singapore cannot afford to exclude anyone, any technology, any company with access to frontier ideas, frontier technologies. For that, I also need to make an appeal. Of course, we will prioritise the interests of Singaporeans, but if we are going to seize the opportunity in frontier technologies, we need to be prepared to complement the Singaporean team, the Singaporean workforce, in order to gain access to ideas and technology.
But having said that, everyone who comes here and any company operating here, wherever you are from, will have to play by the rules.
I think two weeks ago, I explained, we will take firm action and move decisively against errant individuals and companies that flout our domestic laws. We do not condone companies taking advantage of their association with us to engage in evasive, deceptive or dubious business practices for short-term commercial advantages, because that actually sullies and takes unfair advantage of Singapore's reputation.
So, Members may read, in the coming days, in the news on certain developments on this front. But I need Members to understand that we are doing so to protect our standing as a trusted, open hub, painstakingly built-up over decades. This is how we have kept ourselves an attractive destination for leading companies with technology from all over the world.
We must remain open to top talent and, as I said just now, to complement Team Singapore, because then, we can take maximal advantage of the opportunities which are emerging in this world that is unfolding in front of us.
So, let me conclude. We are at the end of an era. There is no doubt about that. The most dangerous phase is when one world order is being replaced by a new world order. The interregnum is likely to be chaotic, difficult, dangerous and tumultuous.
Singapore and Singaporeans, every one of us will need to be realistic, to be careful and to be nimble.
But the point is, we do have strengths and there are opportunities ahead. We must stay principled, calm, confident and continue to be relevant, useful, to be an honest broker.
We need the support and unity of all Singaporeans – all of the Members inside this House and Singaporeans outside the Parliament – to forge an unbreakable unity in the midst of great tumult and volatility. And if we can do so, then we can face the future with confidence and Singapore will emerge stronger.
I want to end by thanking all Members for their unstinting support for the work of all our diplomats who have been working so hard all over the world. [Applause.]
The Chairman: Senior Minister of State Sim Ann.
[Mr Speaker in the Chair]
The Senior Minister of State for Foreign Affairs (Ms Sim Ann) (In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] During the Lunar New Year period, I attended many \"loh-hei\" events. At such functions, we would usually chat about current affairs. This year, there were many topics of discussion concerning global developments, including China-US relations, political changes in Europe, and the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East.
The hottest topic was the US Presidential election and subsequent developments. On the whole, the Chinese community shared fairly positive assessments of Trump 2.0. I believe this is because many active members of Chinese community groups are businesspeople, who believe the current President to be pro-business. Some also admire his unconventional political style and relentless pace of change.
The Chinese community leaders I had met agreed that all was not quite well with the world, but did not display much anxiety. Of course, people did notice that the raising of tariffs has become a new normal. The US, which had long been the main advocate for freer trade has changed its stance, and now employs tariffs and non-tariff barriers in pursuit of economic and non-economic objectives. Even then, because Singapore was not a direct target of these tariffs, my friends in the Chinese community expressed hope that Singapore would not be too affected by the global situation, including possible trade wars.
There were two other hopes: First, that the war in Ukraine would end soon, leading to more stable energy and food prices globally. Second, that no matter what, the world would need a place like Singapore. These conversations took place about two weeks ago. Since then, more drastic changes have taken place on the world stage. Major geopolitical shifts are afoot.
Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the Europeans and Americans responded forcefully to defend Ukraine and isolate Russia. But the US joining Russia in voting against a UN resolution sponsored by Europe and Ukraine on 24 February, identifying Russia as the aggressor, as well as the recent live video showing the argument between the US and Ukraine Presidents on 28 February has dramatically underlined a fundamental change in US policy and cast doubts over its commitment to its NATO allies. Even those who felt relatively unperturbed 2 weeks ago may start to feel uneasy. Are these hopes realistic?
Let me share some views from MFA's perspective. First, the impact of global developments on Singapore. International trade tensions are escalating. The US has announced tariffs on Canada, Mexico, and China, which in turn have signalled retaliatory measures. Risks of a global trade war have increased. Singapore has not been targeted directly for now but will certainly be affected. Increased tariffs will reshape global supply chains and impact the volume and patterns of world trade. This will certainly affect Singapore, as an international port heavily dependent on transhipments.
Beyond trade and tariffs, our economic model will also face serious challenges. Despite being a small country without natural resources or a hinterland, a stable rules-based international trading system has enabled Singapore to create prosperity through pursuing an open economic policy. The consensus and trust underpinning the rules-based international trading system is now fraying. A clear instance is how technology has become a focal point for strategic contestation between the big powers. This means we have to work harder to secure opportunities for prosperity and success.
Second, the implications of war and peace on Singapore. Over the past three years, two major conflicts – the war in Ukraine and the conflict in the Middle East – have seen the loss of countless lives. The conflict in the Middle East in particular has resulted in a humanitarian disaster that tugs at the heartstrings of many Singaporeans. The Russian-Ukraine war has exacerbated energy and food price hikes and caused long-term impacts on inflation and business costs. The Middle East situation, particularly developments in the Red Sea had impacted global shipping costs. It is therefore understandable that businesspeople in our Chinese community hope for these wars to end and for business costs to moderate.
Alas, peace seems more remote than ever before. Recent events have signified major shifts in geopolitics, with possibly unbridgeable differences emerging between the US and Europe on how to end the Ukraine war, and indeed, the global security architecture. Prospects for Ukraine have become even more grim. Even as we prepare for continued turbulence in the world, these changes have profound implications for Singapore.
Singapore has consistently called for an expeditious end to the war between Russia and Ukraine and for both sides to find comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in accordance with international law and the United Nations Charter. The idea that military aggression can force a country to compromise on its sovereignty and political independence would set a dangerous precedent for countries worldwide, particularly small countries. Unfortunately, we are witnessing the weakening of international norms and the rise of the law of the jungle, or \"might is right\". The price of national autonomy and self-determination has increased significantly. This means painful choices and immense pressure for many countries. For example, some allies of the US that had depended on American security guarantees are now grappling with cutting expenditure elsewhere to raise spending on defence.
Singapore has always been an ardent supporter of international law. But we have also believed in self-sufficiency in defence. We have never relied on others to take care of our security. Ever since independence, we have had National Service and consistently spent between 3% to 6% of GDP on defence. We have invested fully in our own security. If anything, the global situation validates our prudent approach. A few days ago, some Opposition Members were questioning the Government's budgeting approach in this House, suggesting that the presence of Budget surpluses equates excessive taxation. In today’s world, many countries are at risk of not having enough resources to secure themselves. Which country would complain of having surpluses?
Third, how should Singapore navigate the current global situation? Over the past 60 years, Singapore has made significant achievements in our development. Despite our small size and lack of natural resources, we have developed into a trusted partner and regional hub by virtue of our good business environment and sound rule of law. Nevertheless, even in the face of such uncertainty and an increasinglyfragmented world order, Singapore is not helpless. We have always believed in \"preparing umbrellas before it rains\". While our development has benefited from a relatively stable and harmonious international environment, we have never counted on long-lasting favourable external conditions. The preparations we have made in the past are now clearly of practical value and will serve us in good stead as we seek progress against headwinds.
I have mentioned earlier that we have built up the capability to defend ourselves, as well as the resources for a rainy day. We have also invested in building up our national identity and maintaining domestic cohesion. Changes in the external environment will present new challenges to our society. Singaporeans may have different views on global developments, and we may be subject to hostile information campaigns aimed at influencing domestic opinion. We have prepared for these eventualities by putting in laws and regulations, as well as national education. We must be vigilant to prevent social fragmentation or polarisation and ensure that social cohesion is not compromised. We can and should continue to leverage our good reputation as a consistent, reliable and trusted partner, to strengthen our links with more countries, and work with like-minded countries bilaterally and multilaterally to uphold and shape global rules and frameworks.
Following many years of tending the garden, Singapore enjoys frequent interactions and benefits from substantive collaboration with major powers and major economies, including the US, China, Europe and India. We maintain friendly and close-knit collaboration with immediate neighbours, including Malaysia and Indonesia; and uphold ASEAN centrality in our engagement of the region. In a \"might makes right\" world, we should all the more broaden our network of friends and deepen our positive collaboration with like-minded countries.
Madam Chair, the world is now a more dangerous place. It is the rainy day we have prepared for – perhaps a long rainy season. We need to stay vigilant and navigate with care, in order to seize new opportunities in fast-changing circumstances while mitigating risks.
The Chairman: Any clarifications for the two Ministers? You can still ask them towards the end, but if you have any now? Mr Gerald Giam?
Mr Gerald Giam Yean Song: Sir, the Minister has highlighted the profound implications of the shifting global order on Singapore and I share his concerns. However, beyond the risks and the threats, what opportunities can Singapore seize in this new environment? How is the Government positioning us to be able to benefit from these changes? For instance, as the global power dynamic shifts, smaller and medium-size countries may be open to seeking closer economic and security ties with Singapore. Is the Government stepping up its outreach to these nations by expanding its network of overseas missions and trade offices?
Secondly, the Minister highlighted our deep reliance on both the US and China economically for both, and on security for the US. However, he did not address how we plan to reduce the risk of over dependence on them. Does the Government have a plan for that?
Lastly, I think the Minister did not respond to my cut about the public diplomacy front. How is MFA stepping up the public diplomacy front and using that to be able to explain to Singaporeans about our strategic interest?
The Chairman: Minister Balakrishnan.
Dr Vivian Balakrishnan: The last supplementary question we will handle later, because my colleague, Second Minister Maliki, has not spoken yet. But let me focus on the first part of the Member's question.
What are the opportunities? As I said just now, I spent a lot of time making the point that this is a period of great change and great danger. But I hope you also glean from my speech that this is not a call for pessimism, because there are opportunities. So, what are these opportunities?
The first thing is that the world is confronting a technological revolution on several fronts: AI and digital technologies, biotechnology and sustainable energy. And it just so happens that these three revolutions interlock with one another. In fact, they are feeding and accelerating with one another. And the frontier technologies are actually an area of great opportunity for us. Then, I also took pains to explain, however, that if we are going to seize these opportunities, we must remain open – open to people, ideas, technology, business models. I made the plea that even as we protect Team Singapore, we take a longer-term view to supplement Team Singapore so that we can exploit the full opportunities in frontier technologies.
I have also explained that because of the lack of trust and the contestation and the desperate need for each big power to get ahead of the other, because they are worried that these leads will be exponential, making sure that our paradigm in which we operate Singapore, open to all powers, big, medium and small, that this paradigm is under pressure. And I also tried to explain the way we make it work is to be open, transparent, fair and to play it straight with all parties.
I am acknowledging that it is more difficult. Everyone will say they are not trying to force us to make choices, but they would rather that we lean more towards one way or the other. I would say from experience, so far, we have been able to maintain this very careful balancing act, and it calls for credibility and it calls for unity.
I will give you a recent example. I explained in Parliament, I think was two weeks ago, that not only are tariffs being applied but export controls are being applied, unilateral export controls that we are not obliged to enforce. Nevertheless, because we have national interest to have access to these technologies, it is important for us to maintain that reputation, and not just reputation, but in actual operation – probity, transparency and reliability.
So, if a foreign company subject to rules which prevail outside Singapore operates here, it must not use its association with us to engage in subterfuge deception or backdoor channels for commercial advantage. So, it calls for a very delicate, agile but at the same time consistent, approach. If we can do this, we will continue to have access to frontier technologies where we will have an advantage. Maybe it is a dream, but the best place in the world where you can create a team of Russians and Ukrainians and Chinese and South Americans and Africans and Singaporeans – an effective team to take frontier technologies to the markets across the world – the most amenable, safe, conducive place should be Singapore. That is an example.
Having said that, I also went through in my speech to say do not give up on multilateralism and international law. Yes, it is in recession. Yes, there is a geo-strategic climate change. But I believe there are still many countries out there, like us, who want that system to work, and even though we no longer have the patronage or the support or the underwriting of major powers that used to do it, we can still make common cause.
One regional grouping who has been quite enthusiastic to keep the system of multilateralism and international law going is the EU. I have had extensive discussions with them. And that is why I have said to the extent that the EU and ASEAN, and maybe parts of Africa and South America, are still capable of signing Free Trade Agreements, still binding ourselves to international law, because we still believe that in the long run this provides for peace, prosperity and the peaceful resolution of disputes. So, I am not giving up on that.
Basically, the fundamental point is great danger, but once in a lifetime opportunities are opening. Do not panic. Do not give up our brand and the way we do things openly, transparently, competently, reliably and with trust and openness. If we can do that, I am confident we can seize the opportunities ahead.
The Chairman: Mr Neil Parekh.
Mr Neil Parekh Nimil Rajnikant: Chairman, Singapore has been in the forefront of providing humanitarian assistance to those who have been displaced because of the conflict between Israel and Hamas. Thus far, Singapore has sent its seven tranches of humanitarian aid, and the country has pledged that it can do more if required.
In the ongoing Israel-Hamas conflict, our commitment to providing humanitarian aid is commendable, but can we do more to help de-escalate the situation? Can we leverage our diplomatic standing, whether through ASEAN, the UN or bilateral engagement to encourage restraint and dialogue. Can the Minister please share his views on the possibility of an expanded role for Singapore in helping to resolve this crisis?
Mr Sharael Taha: Chairman, Minister Vivian earlier reiterated that Singapore has consistently supported a negotiated two two state solution for Israel and Palestine. Through the enhanced technical assistance package, nearly 800 Palestinian officials have benefited from our capacity building efforts. Since October 2023, Singaporeans have come together to deliver seven tranches of humanitarian aid to Gaza, totalling over $19 million.
Just two days ago, the M³@Towns Aid for Gaza fundraiser, through collaboration with the Rahmatan Lil Alamin Foundation (RLAF), raised $166,000 in just one week, and will continue to do so till 6 April. As part of these fundraising efforts at a local level, M³@Pasir Ris Punggol is actively engaging the community across various activities planned throughout the month.
Given the evolving geopolitical landscape, including shifts in the US and the Gulf States responses, what more can Singapore do to support humanitarian relief, reconstruction and diplomatic efforts for stability and peace in Gaza?
Mr Lim Biow Chuan (Mountbatten): MFA has said on several occasions that Singapore supports the right of Palestinian people to a homeland of their own.
Singapore delivered not one, or two, but a total of six to seven tranches of humanitarian aid for Gaza in January 2025. Singapore has also provided technical assistance to enhance the Palestinian Authority's capacity for administration and reconstruction.
Sir, as a small nation, there are indeed limitations as to how we can help other countries. But I believe that we can do our part, to countries that suffered due to war. I understand that under the Singapore Cooperation Programme (SCP), we have provided technical assistance to many other developing countries to help these countries with human resource development. Has Singapore rendered such technical assistance under the SCP to the Palestinian Authority? What kind of help has Singapore provided, and is it sufficient?
Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim: Sir, Singapore shares strong and longstanding ties with the Gulf countries, built on mutual respect, trade and cooperation. The Gulf region is an important partner for Singapore in energy, finance and investment, with growing collaboration in technology, education and sustainable development. Our warm relations are underpinned by shared interests in stability, economic progress and global peace.
Recent developments in the trade and financial sectors underscore the potential for Singapore to engage with Gulf countries in sectors such as agriculture, finance and trade, leveraging existing agreements and market dynamics. What is the state of Singapore's relations with the Gulf States?
In this regard, amid the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Gaza, Singapore stands in solidarity with the Palestinian civilians affected and has actively contributed to humanitarian efforts. We have provided aid through organisations like the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) and the Singapore Red Cross to support urgent medical and food supplies. Singapore has consistently called for the immediate cessation of violence, respect for international law, and a just and lasting resolution.
Moving forward, with the latest tranche of humanitarian aid, Singapore shows commitment in working with Gulf partners and the international community to contribute to a future of peace and stability for the region. In total, seven tranches totalling over $19 million worth of humanitarian assistance had been delivered to Gaza. We should be proud as Singaporeans because we, collectively as a nation, has contributed comparably or indeed more than that by countries in our region alone. Since October 2023, Malaysia, for instance, has contributed RM45 million as of November 2024. Indonesia last year doubled its annual contribution to UNRWA to US$1.2 million.
With the latest temporary ceasefire agreement, what else is Singapore doing to address the situation in Gaza beyond humanitarian aid assistance and, in particular, on any diplomatic channels?
Mr Sitoh Yih Pin (Potong Pasir): Mr Chairman, geopolitical and geo-economic contestation among the major powers is fast becoming the norm on the international stage. As the contest heats up, it is inevitable that Singapore, as one of the most market-orientated open economies in the world, gets caught up in the crossfire of any such contestation.
One of the methods which has been widely publicised in recent times is the presence of foreign actors that seek to undermine trust in Singapore. This, in part, is to seed dissention and discontent domestically to ultimately sway or influence our foreign policy decisions.
While the Government has taken steps to address this legislatively, perhaps more can be done to keep Singaporeans better informed of such insidious intentions by foreign actors.
In this context, I invite the Minister to share how the MFA can play its part to help Singaporeans become more aware of and resilient against such foreign actors who attempt to undermine trust in Singapore's foreign policy decisions.
Mr Alex Yam (Marsiling-Yew Tee): Mr Chairman, in our increasingly complex external environment, where information flows freely and narratives can be shaped by foreign actors, Singaporeans risk being influenced by interests that may run counter to our nation's well-being, worse still becoming useful idiots to foreign causes.
To safeguard against this, MFA must play a crucial role in keeping our citizens well-informed about our foreign policy principles, core national interests and the broader geopolitical context.
By communicating openly through regular updates, public briefings and community engagements, MFA ensures that Singaporeans understand how our foreign policy decisions are made and why they matter. This knowledge strengthens our national resilience against attempts at foreign influence. Beyond that, I hope MFA can share how it partners with other agencies to develop media literacy programmes and help Singaporeans evaluate information and detect malicious campaigns.
Ms Joan Pereira (Tanjong Pagar): Chairman, President Tharman recently made a State Visit to India, affirming the warm and longstanding relations between our two countries, as we commemorate the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations.
Singapore and India enjoy strong bilateral economic relations and cooperation in many sectors. India is set to be one of the fastest-growing economies in the world. President Tharman and President Murmu discussed cooperation in areas such as semiconductors, industrial park development, as well as the green and digital economies.
Would the Minister share his assessment of Singapore's relations with India, how we will strengthen our people-to-people ties, and what we are doing to deepen our economic ties with India, especially in areas such as the green and digital economies?
Mr Lim Biow Chuan: Sir, in January this year, I had the privilege of travelling to India as part of President Tharman's State Visit to celebrate our 60 years of diplomatic relations with India.
India is one of the first countries who recognised Singapore as an independent country. It is the country with the largest population in the world, and we enjoy excellent relationship with India. Singapore is the second largest investor in India and India is Singapore's 12th largest trade partner.
As a small trading nation, it makes sense for Singapore to maintain friendly relations with all the major powers in the world like the US, China, Russia and India.
I understand that in September last year, during the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the relationship between Singapore and India was elevated to a comprehensive strategic partnership. May I ask MFA what does this mean for Singapore's economy? How will the citizens of Singapore benefit? Besides our high-level exchanges and economic cooperation, what other areas are we working on to improve the bilateral cooperation.
Dr Wan Rizal (Jalan Besar): Sir, the Middle East remains a region of both tension and opportunity. Given its dynamic geopolitical landscape, Singapore must stay engaged to safeguard our interests and contribute to regional stability.
Singapore has long maintained good relations with the region. Given the ongoing conflicts and realignments in the area, how is Singapore working to strengthen its diplomatic cooperation with these countries? Beyond bilateral ties, what role can Singapore play in fostering dialogue and multilateral collaboration in areas, such as security, energy and humanitarian assistance?
As the Middle East continues to evolve, how will Singapore ensure that our engagement remains relevant, constructive and aligned with our long-term strategic interests?
The Chairman: Mr Gan Thiam Poh, please take your three cuts together.
Mr Gan Thiam Poh (Ang Mo Kio): Mr Chairman, the Middle East continues to be a key region of importance for Singapore. Singapore was the first country outside of the Middle East to conclude an FTA with the Gulf Cooperation Council which entered into force on 1 September 2013.
Would the Minister share an update on how this FTA has enhanced trade and relations between Singapore and the Middle East? Singapore also maintains good relationships with the countries in North Africa, especially Algeria, Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia. How is the Ministry working to build stronger links with Arab states like Egypt and Jordan?
In 2023, the Port of Singapore Authority inaugurated their new head office in Cairo and Changi Airport International conducted a feasibility study to establish the Cairo Cargo City. What has been the progress of these two initiatives?
Singapore has engaged Latin American countries in many areas of cooperation, including trade and investment, science and technology, and education.
How are we deepening our links in facilitating business opportunities in this emerging market? Would the Minister share with the House a progress report of how the Pacific Alliance-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (PASFTA) with Chile, Colombia, Peru and Mexico has benefited our relationships and trade? Likewise, for the FTA with the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR), which comprises Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay, what is the update on our areas of cooperation so far?
The Ministry had shared in the past that Singapore was looking into initiatives with our Latin American partners on the digital economy, food security and carbon credits collaboration. What is the update on these?
Africa is an emerging market offering many business and non-economic opportunities. How has our engagement with countries in Africa been and what are the initiatives to deepen our links with Africa?
Would the Ministry share more about the official visits and areas of collaboration which we will be working on? How can we increase mutual understanding and interactions between our people to facilitate further cooperation in trade and investments? What are the main areas of trade and investments from Singapore businesses so far; and how are we encouraging more Singapore enterprises to consider venturing into Africa?
Ms Jessica Tan Soon Neo: Mr Chairman, amid increasing geopolitical uncertainties and trade tensions among major powers, forging connections with middle powers can strengthen Singapore's diplomatic, economic and strategic flexibility, as well as foster innovation and cultural exchanges.
Given Singapore's size and geographical position, middle powers can offer diversified trade opportunities and investment channels which are crucial to Singapore's open economy. However, navigating the diverse interests of middle powers can also be challenging for Singapore.
As Minister Balakrishnan had shared in his speech earlier, Singapore has significant partnerships with several European middle powers. In 2024, there were several high-level exchanges between Singapore and European countries. These included then-Deputy Prime Minister Lawrence Wong's visits to Germany and France in April, the President's Official Visits to Italy and Estonia in June, and the State Visit by Swedish King Carl XVI Gustaf to Singapore in November. How have these interactions advanced the interests of Singapore, and what can Singapore do to enhance the relationships with European middle powers?
Mr Sitoh Yih Pin: Mr Chairman, we are living in an increasingly uncertain world. As Singapore deals with a more fragmented geopolitical and geoeconomic international environment, there is a need for us to strategically review our multilateral and bilateral engagements.
The major powers will continue to jostle for power, space and relevance. Under this backdrop, Singapore's position as an \"honest broker\" on the international stage will surely come under increasing pressure. It is, therefore, in Singapore's interests to deepen our engagements with like-minded middle powers. In this context, can the Minister share how Singapore is working towards building our ties with such like-minded middle powers?
Further, over the years, Singapore has taken steps to strengthen our interests by forging agreements in Trade, Economic Partnerships, the Digital Economy and even the Green Economy. More recently, we concluded negotiations with the EU on the EU-Singapore Digital Trade Agreement (EUSDTA) last year.
Given the importance of the Digital Economy in the future, I invite the Minister to also share how the EUSDTA will enhance our partnership and cooperation with the EU and, in the larger context, chart the foreign policy objectives of Singapore in the future.
Ms Mariam Jaafar (Sembawang): Sir, strong bilateral and regional cooperation with our neighbours in Asia is important for Singapore against the context of the current geopolitical uncertainties. We have, as Minister Balakrishnan described earlier, deep engagements with ASEAN, China and India, but there are other important and long-standing relationships in the region. We will celebrate milestone diplomatic anniversaries with the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Japan: 50 years with ROK this year and 60 years with Japan next year. How are we enhancing bilateral cooperation with both countries and in Asia overall?
Mr Liang Eng Hwa: Mr Chairman, the Government will nominate Ambassador Rena Lee as a candidate for the Judge of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at the elections in November 2026. While I am happy and fully support the nomination, I would like ask the Minister to share on the Government's thinking behind her nomination and how this nomination would contribute our part towards the upholding of international rule of law?
Since Independence, Singapore has actively participated in many international agencies like the UN and many other platforms, like WHO and so on. For a small nation state, international rule of law means a lot to us. It is in Singapore's interest to steadfastly advance the international rule of law.
The ICJ is the UN's key judicial organ and it plays a vital role in upholding international laws and agreements, and in the adjudication of legal dispute between countries. When Mr Daren Tang was appointed as the Director-General of the Geneva-based World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO) in 2020, it brought pride to Singapore and it is not only a recognition by the international IP community of Mr Tang's credentials, but also of Singapore's reputation as a jurisdiction in being among the best in intellectual protections.
I am sure Ambassador Rena Lee's impeccable reputation and credentials, as well as the international recognition of Singapore as having among the best judiciary and legal systems in the world will stand her in good stead. We wish her all the best in the election.
Mr Chairman: The next Member is not present. Mr Desmond Choo.
Mr Desmond Choo (Tampines): Since our Independence, Singapore has maintained the importance of capacity-building as a pillar of regional cooperation.
In 1992, the Singapore Cooperation Programme (SCP) was established in our effort to pay forward the help we received in our formative years. It serves as a platform to provide technical assistance to the world. At the same time, the SCP's initiatives are equally beneficial to us. We get to share and also learn about best practices in various areas, from public governance to global sustainability.
As we celebrate SG60, global challenges remain uncertain whether in the realm of climate change, sustainability or cybersecurity. There is an ever-growing need to gather our efforts towards deeper and more targeted technical assistance to areas where our counterparts need our expertise the most. Could MFA share how Singapore intends to enhance its capacity-building efforts to address these emerging challenges?
Mr Xie Yao Quan: Chairman, Singapore has made very significant contributions to various regions and the world over the years through SCP. Specifically, can I ask how has Singapore supported the capacity-building efforts of fellow small states through the programme?
Mr Desmond Choo: Chairman, we have seen a surge in overseas travel as Singaporeans continue to embrace travelling in the new post-pandemic norm. Singaporeans are no longer sticking to the usual destinations but, increasingly, also to less-travelled destinations.
We have over 50 overseas missions worldwide, and these missions serve as a critical point of contact for Singaporeans in distress abroad. But what happens when help is needed in places where we lack consular presence?
Plagued by heightened global tensions, we must remember that conflicts can happen in any country, unprovoked and unexpectedly. It is, hence, imperative that our consular efforts can promise operational capabilities in which country Singaporeans might find themselves in.
Other than contacting the 24-hour MFA Duty Office hotline in times of need, could the MFA share how it ensures that Singaporeans in need, even in countries without an on-ground diplomatic mission, can still access prompt and effective consular support?
Mr Xie Yao Quan: Chairman, these days, when Singaporeans prepare to travel overseas, besides our world's number one passport, foreign currency and travel insurance, they also check – e-registered with MFA already or not? The consular services provided by MFA have served Singaporeans well and over the years. What are some of the key highlights of MFA's consular efforts in 2024? And could MFA share its efforts to leverage technology to improve the delivery of consular services for Singaporeans?
Miss Rachel Ong: Chairman, in an era where social media influences how we consume news, foreign policy is no longer confined to the realm of diplomats; it is actively debated in homes, classrooms and online forums. Yet, global issues are becoming increasingly polarised, from the ongoing Israel-Palestine conflict to climate policies and shifting geopolitical alliances. Misinformation spreads quickly and public opinion can be shaped in moments.
Many Singaporeans seek a clearer understanding of how our foreign policy decisions are made and a platform to voice their views. If we fail to engage proactively in the digital space, we risk allowing narratives that are inaccurate or misaligned with Singapore's best interests.
Ultimately, foreign policy is about safeguarding our nation in an unpredictable world. With social media playing an even larger role in shaping public perception, how is MFA harnessing digital platforms to engage Singaporeans on foreign policy issues?
Ms Poh Li San: Chairman, the ubiquitous influence of social media has shaped interactions and discussions on every conceivable topic and issue, including a country's foreign policy. Singaporeans, living in one of the most digitised countries in the world, are more engaged than ever in discussions about our foreign policy.
All of us are keenly aware that as a small nation, an open economy highly dependent on international trade, developments in our region and further afield globally have a significant impact on us. While we should continue to encourage and support the public to keep up to date with current affairs and learn more about foreign developments, we must constantly remind Singaporeans to keep a balanced perspective, and to be open to and be tolerant of different views and interpretations.
This is crucial, considering that we are a multiracial and multi-religious community. We must be cognisant of the complex factors shaping different global developments and trust that our foreign service departments and officers have weighed in and considered the best positions and options available to us in Singapore's best interests. Hence, most importantly, we must remain united as Singaporeans and not be swayed by foreign influences.
I would like to ask how MFA will strengthen domestic buy-in and support for Singapore's foreign policy to strengthen our unity and preserve the space to act in our best interests. How does MFA strike a balance between maintaining a cohesive national position and acknowledging the diversity of opinions among Singaporeans on international issues?
Ms Joan Pereira: Chairman, Singaporeans are increasingly interested in foreign policy, particularly as global developments become more complex and interconnected. The ease of obtaining news and exchanging views and opinions online has led to more Singaporeans reading and discussing international current affairs and the role and position of our foreign policy.
Would the Ministry share what it is doing to build and deepen Singaporeans' understanding of the key tenets of our foreign policy, including important considerations and constraints, in layman terms which are easier to comprehend? How is MFA adapting its engagement strategies to increase understanding of Singapore's foreign policy fundamentals?
How would the Ministry highlight to our citizens that good foreign policy contributes to the well-being of Singapore and Singaporeans and secure domestic support for our foreign policy decisions?
The Chairman: Minister Maliki Osman.
The Second Minister for Foreign Affairs (Dr Mohamad Maliki Bin Osman): Mr Chairman, Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim, Mr Sharael Taha and Mr Neil Parekh asked about the situation in Gaza, what Singapore has done to address the situation, and what more we can do to support a de-escalation of the conflict. Mr Lim Biow Chuan asked how Singapore has supported the Palestinian Authority through the Singapore Cooperation Programme.
Please allow me to take these questions together. I will respond in Malay.
(In Malay): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Chairman, for the past 16 months, we are witnessing a terrible humanitarian tragedy in Gaza through heart wrenching images. There is a Malay saying \"berat mata memandang, berat lagi bahu yang memikul\" (it is hard for the person seeing, it is even harder for the person experiencing)
We saw not only the destruction of lives but also the devastation of homes and communities in Gaza. People in Gaza lack access to basic necessities like water, food, electricity, and medicine. The situation is even more critical with the advent of the holy month of Ramadan as the people of Gaza observe their fast without the basic humanitarian essentials that are desperately needed.
At the same time, we remain deeply concerned about the hostages still held captive by Hamas for over 500 days now.
We take some comfort and welcome the multi-phase ceasefire agreement reached recently. The ceasefire agreement provides a ray of hope for the people of Gaza towards the peace that they dream of.
Phase one of the ceasefire and hostage release agreement has formally ended. We urge all parties to quickly come to an agreement on Phase two.
In the meantime, Singapore's position is that humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza must be allowed access to continue to alleviate the humanitarian crisis. We are deeply concerned over Israel's latest decision to halt the entry of goods and supplies into the Gaza Strip.
We urge all parties to do their utmost to reach an agreement on a permanent ceasefire and the release of all hostages.
Singaporeans recognise the deep complexities of the Israel-Palestine conflict, and this conflict will become even more complex if we consider the broader geopolitical realities in the Middle East.
Chairman, this conflict is a long-standing feud going back decades, if not centuries, involving multiple state and non-state actors.
Importantly, we need to know that the conflict is not a clash between people of different faiths. It is a political battle for territory, self-determination, identity, and human dignity.
Singapore's approach towards the conflict is one that is long-standing and consistent. It is guided by international law. While we have highlighted Singapore's approach many times before, please allow me to once again explain in detail the key tenets guiding our position on the Israel-Palestine conflict.
First, we believe that the only viable path to a comprehensive, just, and durable solution to this conflict, is a negotiated two-state solution, consistent with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. A two-state solution means that both Israelis and Palestinians mutually recognise each other’s right to exist as a state and to live alongside each other in peace and security.
Second, our position on the negotiated two-state solution means that Singapore has consistently supported the right of the Palestinian people to a homeland of their own. In May 2024, we voted in favour of a resolution at the UN General Assembly supporting the admission of Palestine as a UN member. Singapore is prepared in-principle to recognise Palestinian statehood and will make this move at the appropriate time. However, we first need to be sure that such a move will facilitate progress towards peace and a negotiated two-state solution. This means that there will need to be an effective Palestinian government that categorically rejects terrorism and is prepared to accept Israel's right to exist, just like the existence of Palestine that they desire.
Third, Singapore has called upon Israel to rescind all unilateral measures taken to change the status of Jerusalem. We have also rejected illegal Israeli settlement activities, which make it much harder to arrive at a viable two-state solution. We have also called out violations of international law and unilateral actions that attempt to change the status quo.
We have stated this position on past occasions in Parliament. It is also reflected through our votes at the UN.
Sir, with your permission, may I distribute a table on Singapore's voting position on key UN resolutions on the Israel-Palestine issue and since the events of October 2023?
The Chairman: (In English) Do we have copies of Minister's handouts? I do not see any.
Dr Mohamad Maliki Bin Osman: I believe my staff has given them.
The Chairman: Let us get it. I think in the meantime, if it is possible for you to proceed with your speech?
(In Malay): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Chairman, this table shows our consistent position and votes supporting the relevant resolutions on the Palestinian issue [A handout was subsequently distributed to hon Members. Please refer to Annex 1.]
Fourth, Singapore has consistently condemned acts of terror committed by groups such as Hamas. It bears remembering that over 1,200 Israeli and foreign civilians were killed during Hamas' terror attacks on 7 October 2023. Many were ordinary men, women and children going about their daily lives. They were innocent victims who died. Hamas also captured 251 individuals, including ASEAN nationals and held them hostage. There cannot be any justifications whatsoever for these acts.
Singapore cannot and will not work with any group, including Hamas, which refuses to renounce terrorism, and in fact, continue to use terrorism to achieve their aims and rejects the right of Israel to exist.
Fifth, while countries have the right of self-defence, their actions must comply with international law, including international humanitarian law.
Following the 7 October 2023 attacks, we affirmed Israel's right to self-defence. In a scenario where Singapore is subject to an armed attack, we would similarly need to assert and exercise our right to self-defence as provided under Article 51 of the UN Charter. However, we have made clear, including in our interactions with the Israelis, that their military response in Gaza has gone too far. We have firmly stated this matter in our discussions with Israel.
This is not merely a matter of principles or a theoretical issue and not something that could never happen to us. These principles strike at the heart of Singapore's existence as an independent and sovereign country. As a small country – and we hope that other countries will agree – we cannot brook any entity that denies Singapore's right to exist or seeks to cause our country and people harm.
Some Singaporeans want the Government to go beyond the provision of humanitarian assistance to Gaza. They urge the Government to take a stronger stance against Israel. Some have asked why Singapore does not sever all ties with Israel. They want Singapore to impose unilateral sanctions on it, in support of Palestine. The Government feels that this is not the most productive approach.
We understand that Singaporeans have a diversity of opinions. Some have been quite active and assertive in expressing their views, including to their Members of Parliament. It is crucial to understand that Singapore's approach to foreign policy is consistent and long-standing. We act based on what is in our national interests. It is not based on us choosing one side over another. We must remain clear-eyed and not allow our emotions to dictate the manner in which Singapore conducts our foreign policy, either on this conflict or on any other international issue.
Chairman, as we continue to understand the ongoing conflict, it is worth noting that all Arab states which have diplomatic relations with Israel prior to the 7 October 2023 attacks have not severed ties with Israel. They are instead focused on active diplomacy and have taken constructive steps to alleviate the suffering of civilians in Gaza through humanitarian aid.
Other countries, just like Singapore, have taken this position because we recognize that adopting drastic measures, such as severing ties with Israel, would only serve to further destabilize the region. We are all of the view that engagement, rather than isolation, is the best path forward to keep the prospects of a two-state solution alive for Israel and Palestine.
Through active diplomacy, Singapore continues to find opportunities to engage and encourage all relevant parties to pursue a longer-term solution that will bring about regional peace and stability.
Our continued relations with Israel allow us to directly convey our candid views on the conflict to Israeli leaders, including our view that their actions have crossed the line. It has also facilitated the RSAF’s efforts to obtain the necessary clearances from Israel to convey humanitarian aid via airdrops last year, as well as to convey food items into Gaza which were transported via the Ashdod port in Israel.
Last March, Minister Vivian Balakrishan visited the Middle East, including Israel and the Palestinian Territories, with a cross-party parliamentary delegation.
During my visits to Egypt, Jordan, and Bahrain over the past four months, I engaged various Arab Ministers to better understand their concerns and the outlook for Gaza. It is clear that they remain concerned about the escalating tensions in the Middle East and the need for a resolution to the long-standing Israeli-Palestinian conflict, through a two-state solution and the guarantee of security for both sides. Their position is the same as Singapore's – that is, we need to keep the lines of communication with the Israelis and Palestinians open.
At the same time, we are realistic about the role Singapore can play.
We must accept that a positive breakthrough in Israel-Palestine relations will only be possible if leaders on both sides have the will and courage to set aside differences, be prepared to make progress together, and be prepared to make concessions – all these will lead to a lasting two-state solution.
It is also crucial for there to be political stability and strong domestic support within Israel and Palestine for the peace process to succeed. We continue to urge the Israelis and Palestinians to resume direct negotiations and to refrain from any unilateral actions, especially violence, which would be unhelpful to the peace process.
In the meantime, what Singapore and Singaporeans can do is to channel our focus and resources in a productive manner, especially towards humanitarian assistance. Since the current Gaza conflict took place, Singaporeans from all walks of life have donated significantly and sincerely, both in cash and in kind, towards the provision of critical humanitarian assistance to Gaza.
This stems from a desire to do what we can to alleviate the suffering of civilians in Gaza. This is a strong reflection of our identity and shared values as a compassionate, inclusive, and cohesive society. We have provided seven tranches of humanitarian assistance to Gaza with $19 million over the past 16 months.
During my visit to the Egyptian Red Cresent in November 2023, I participated in the packing of essential items destined for Gaza. Just last month, we sent off our seventh tranche of aid comprising food, as well as medical and hygiene supplies, using the RSAF's Multi-Role Tanker Transport (MRTT) aircraft, with the assistance of the Jordan Hashemite Charity Organisation (JHCO).
Singapore will continue to do what we can to contribute bilaterally and in partnership with others in the Middle East.
I hope Singaporeans will continue to donate generously to fundraising initiatives for Gaza, including the Rahmatan Lil Alamin Foundation's (RLAF's) current fundraiser during Ramadan with M3, launched just last week.
I am heartened at the support we have received thus far. With a target of raising $600,000 as we commemorate our 60th year of independence, this SG60 project by M3 has raised $166,000 in its first week alone. I am confident that Singaporeans will continue to support this fundraiser along with the Singapore Red Cross' ongoing fundraising project.
Beyond humanitarian aid, we remain committed to supporting the Palestinian Authority's human capital development efforts through the Singapore Cooperation Programme, including the Enhanced Technical Assistance Package (ETAP). In redoubling our efforts to provide technical assistance to the Palestinian people, we hope that this will contribute towards their preparation for eventual statehood.
Chairman, the Government acknowledges that this is a conflict with strong emotional resonance amongst Singaporeans, especially our Malay/Muslim community. Many experience anger due to their sympathy for the innocent victims.
But we must not allow ourselves to be influenced by those who seek to use this conflict to incite violence and hatred and to divide us. More importantly, we must not allow an issue like this to be politicised.
I am glad to note that Members of this House, regardless of political affiliation, understand the complexity of the situation in Gaza and have supported the Government's approach following the 7 October attacks. In fact, MP Gerald Giam was part of Minister Vivian's delegation to Israel and the Palestinian Territories to see the situation first-hand, including the significance of our position and approach towards this conflict.
Chairman, Singaporeans, including the Malay/Muslim community, have shown maturity in the way we manage this situation. We mutually respect each other' views that may differ, but we are prepared to place Singapore’s interests ahead and continue to protect the social cohesion and stability in Singapore. The Singapore Government will continue to actively engage Singaporeans to explain our positions on geopolitical issues including the fundamental interests and principles that underpin our foreign policy to ensure peace and stability for Singaporeans.
(In English): Mr Chairman, allow me to continue my speech in English.
I just spoke about the humanitarian assistance that Singapore and Singaporeans are providing to the civilians who are suffering in Gaza. We have been in close coordination with countries, such as Egypt, Jordan and the UAE, to better understand the priorities on the ground and the type of essential supplies that are needed, to ensure that our aid reaches those who need them most.
The crisis in Gaza illustrates the importance of building goodwill and trust with our partners in the Middle East. Continuing to do so will allow us to better navigate complex regional geopolitics, as well as to seize emerging opportunities for joint collaboration.
Mr Gan Thiam Poh and Dr Wan Rizal asked about Singapore's efforts to deepen relations with the Middle East. Saudi Arabia is a major player in the Middle East and is undergoing rapid socioeconomic changes under the Vision 2030 masterplan. Singapore will establish a Strategic Partnership Council, to be co-chaired by Prime Minister Lawrence Wong and Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister His Royal Highness Prince Mohammed Bin Salman. This new platform will allow both leaders to chart the strategic direction of our bilateral relations.
The UAE is our largest trading partner in the region. Under the Singapore-UAE Comprehensive Partnership signed in 2019, we continue to deepen our multifaceted cooperation in fields, such as public service cooperation, AI and civil nuclear energy. Last October, we welcomed Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi His Highness Sheikh Khaled Bin Mohamed Bin Zayed to Singapore.
With Qatar, we share mutual interests and enjoy strong cooperation. Qatar will host the third Implementing Monitoring Mechanism later this year, which will facilitate further bilateral partnerships and initiatives.
Oman is an emerging market that presents opportunities for Singaporean companies. Minister Shanmugam and I co-chaired the second Singapore-Oman Strategic Dialogue in Muscat in January 2025, where we discussed ways to strengthen collaboration in digital economy, renewable energy and security cooperation.
Minister Vivian Balakrishnan spoke about the changing geopolitical realities confronting Singapore and the future ahead. The world is evolving at breakneck speed. Established global norms, which served as the bedrock of the rules-based multilateral system, are being challenged. There are increasing areas of contestation and a multipolar order is emerging.
It has become even more important for Singaporeans to remain united to weather the oncoming storms. Having strong and united domestic support for Singapore's foreign policy will facilitate MFA's mission of advancing Singapore's interests abroad.
We do this by: first, fostering coalitions of like-minded partners to advance common goals, such as upholding international law and multilateralism; second, ensuring that our voice is heard in developing international norms and rules, through our active participation and leadership of international organisations, such as UN, International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), International Maritime Organization (IMO) and the World Intellectual Property Office (WIPO); and third, by laying the groundwork for deeper and more sustained engagements with our international partners.
Some Singaporeans have asked how Singapore's relations with international partners bring material benefits to them. While these benefits may not always be immediately visible or tangible, fostering friendly relations with other countries allows us to: one, ensure Singapore's continued peace and prosperity, by ensuring that others have a stake in our survival; and two, position Singapore at the forefront of emerging and frontier areas of growth, including shaping new norms with like-minded countries.
To do so, we must remain nimble in navigating the uncertain geopolitical environment by being relevant to our partners. By building new links and maintaining bridges with friends from all around the world, Singapore is able to advance our interests and remain relevant and trusted in today's complex international environment.
Ms Joan Pereira, Mr Lim Biow Chuan and Mr Gan Thiam Poh asked how Singapore has been deepening relations with emerging markets and India.
Last year was a busy year in our engagement of Latin America. Brazil held the G20 Presidency and Peru chaired APEC. Many Singapore leaders and officials attended various meetings and met their foreign counterparts in that region. During my visits last year to Latin America, I explored ways to broaden our political and economic ties, by leveraging free trade agreements that Singapore had signed with the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) and the Pacific Alliance.
These agreements, when entered into force, will increase opportunities for trade and investment, lower the costs of trade for our companies, create jobs for Singaporeans and grow our economy. For instance, Brazil is already an important source of frozen chicken and beef. These agreements will not only further grow our trade with Latin America, but also strengthen Singapore's food resilience and add diversity to the range of products and services available to us, including carbon credits.
We are also looking to deepen our links with Africa. Last year, I visited Cote d'Ivoire and Nigeria, two major political and economic powerhouses in Africa, to engage key leaders and to understand their priorities and where Singapore can fit in. This year, we will host the Singapore-Africa Ministerial Exchange Visit and the Africa-Singapore Business Forum, to promote political and business engagements.
We will also leverage South Africa's 2025 G20 Presidency to step up our engagement of African countries through bilateral exchanges, capacity building and cooperation in FinTech and digitalisation. This will help to facilitate Singapore companies interested in exploring commercial opportunities in Africa and build goodwill and support for Singapore.
India remains an important strategic and economic partner. During Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Singapore last September, we agreed to upgrade relations to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, which will include the expansion of cooperation into new and forward-looking areas, such as semiconductor ecosystems, next-generation industrial parks, and skilling. We will continue to leverage the India-Singapore Ministerial Roundtable platform to deliver concrete and mutually beneficial outcomes in areas, such as digitalisation, skills development, advanced manufacturing and connectivity. We will also build up our relations at the regional and state levels.
In stepping up our engagement of these emerging markets and regions, MFA seeks to expand cooperation in new areas for mutual benefit and to build goodwill and support for Singapore bilaterally and in international bodies. This will put Singapore in a good position to seize opportunities and work together with our partners.
Mr Chairman, Mr Don Wee, Mr Chong Kee Hiong and Ms Joan Pereira also asked about Singapore’s relations with our neighbours. While we look for new opportunities further afield, Singapore’s success and future remain inextricably tied to Southeast Asia.
With Malaysia, there is strong political will to work together on a win-win basis. In addition to the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone (JS-SEZ) and the Johor Bahru-Singapore Rapid Transit System (RTS) Link, Singapore is working on other bilateral initiatives, including renewable energy cooperation as well as ways to make our supply chains more resilient, given our deep interdependencies.
With Brunei, we are building our special relationship, and building upon that relationship, to jointly explore new and emerging areas, like sustainable development, education, public sector capacity, as well as food safety and resilience.
Singapore and Indonesia have made substantive progress in existing and emerging areas, such as renewable energy, human capital development and education. We are working with Indonesia to jointly advance our green transition journey. For instance, the Energy Market Authority (EMA) has granted conditional approval to five projects to import a total of 3.4 gigawatts of low-carbon electricity from Indonesia within the next five years. This would constitute our largest-ever cross-border electricity contract while catalysing Indonesia’s renewable energy and adjacent industries.
Given President Prabowo Subianto’s commitment to developing Indonesia’s human potential, we also plan to deepen education exchanges and human capital development cooperation.
Similarly, our cooperation with Thailand, Vietnam, the Philippines, Cambodia and Laos is growing. We have been pioneers on the financial front with Thailand, having established a cross-border fast digital payment link-up and a Depository Receipts Linkage between our stock exchanges. Singapore and Vietnam will upgrade our ties to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership and our businesses remain excited about Vietnam’s growth potential. To date, we have established 18 Vietnam-Singapore Industrial Parks and there is interest to do more. We are also working with Cambodia, Laos, the Philippines and Thailand on renewable energy and carbon markets.
The prospects and future of our neighbourhood are bright. With a population of nearly 700 million, a young and dynamic workforce, healthy GDP growth and rapid urbanisation, ASEAN has tremendous potential to be a key node of economic growth for the world.
Miss Rachel Ong had asked how Singapore can work with fellow ASEAN member states to enhance economic integration in the region. We are reducing barriers to trade and investment both within ASEAN and with our external partners. We will upgrade the ASEAN Trade in Goods Agreement (ATIGA), as well as substantially conclude the ASEAN Digital Economy Framework Agreement (DEFA) this year. We are taking tangible steps to realise a sustainable and secure future by developing the ASEAN Power Grid. A more interconnected region will better enable each country to meet rising energy demands and remain resilient in the face of potential disruptions.
Maintaining peace and stability in Southeast Asia is crucial to our collective goal of building a more dynamic, integrated and resilient ASEAN. This is why we continue to pay close attention to Myanmar. It is unfortunate that there has been limited progress in Myanmar’s implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus since it was agreed to in April 2021. Singapore has taken a principled position, in line with the UN General Assembly resolution, which called on UN member states to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar. Our prohibition includes dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application and where there is serious risk that they may be used to inflict violence against unarmed civilians. At the same time, it is important to note that the Singapore Government does not seek to block legitimate trade with Myanmar. We have been very careful to avoid inadvertently causing greater hardship for the Myanmar people.
Mr Sitoh Yih Pin and Ms Sylvia Lim have asked how Singapore and ASEAN can facilitate progress in Myanmar. ASEAN will continue to address the issue in line with the Five-Point Consensus based on the decisions made by our ASEAN Leaders.
Singapore will continue to support Malaysia as the current ASEAN Chair, and its Special Envoy, and other external partners to facilitate peace and national reconciliation while respecting the fundamental principle of non-interference. Singapore will also continue to support ASEAN’s efforts to provide humanitarian assistance through the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management.
The situation in Myanmar is complicated and any enduring political solution will have to come from within Myanmar itself. The only way to achieve a sustainable and peaceful national reconciliation is through constructive dialogue among all the key stakeholders.
Mr Chairman, to conclude. To buffer against global headwinds and uncertainty, it has become even more critical for Singapore to broaden and diversify our global network of partners and friends. Fortunately, countries are eager to deepen cooperation with Singapore because of our reputation as a reliable and trustworthy partner.
We must be brave and nimble to seize new opportunities, just as our forefathers once did. The world has become a more dangerous and uncertain place, but we have good reason to be confident about Singapore’s future.
The Chairman: We have time for clarifications. Sorry, Senior Minister of State Sim Ann.
Ms Sim Ann: Mr Chairman, I wish to thank the various Members for filing cuts about MFA's engagement with like-minded partners, and I believe these have been addressed in Minister Vivian Balakrishnan and Minister Mohamad Maliki's earlier speeches.
Mr Chairman, please allow me to address the questions on safeguarding Singapore's interest on the international stage, our capacity building efforts, consular assistance and MFA's engagement of Singaporeans.
Ms Poh Li San and Mr Liang Eng Hwa asked how Singapore stays ahead in emerging areas and why we nominated Ambassador Rena Lee for the ICJ candidature. We remain actively engaged on emerging issues at multilateral fora like the UN. Given the current geopolitical environment, it is critical that Singapore contributes to the advancement of international law through deeds. Ambassador Rena Lee is well-qualified, with extensive experience in a wide range of international domains. This is the first time Singapore has nominated someone for this position since we joined the UN. Elections will be keenly contested, but we will do our best to support Ambassador Lee as we believe she will contribute significantly to the ICJ.
Mr Xie Yao Quan and Mr Desmond Choo have asked about Singapore’s capacity-building efforts. Supporting human resource development of fellow developing countries through the Singapore Cooperation Programme (SCP) remains MFA’s priority. Over the past 33 years, SCP has trained more than 155,000 officials from more than 180 countries, territories and intergovernmental organisations. Over 50,000 officials were trained in our Singapore Cooperation Centres in Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and Myanmar.
We are committed to do more for Timor-Leste under the SCP, to help them prepare to join ASEAN. We also have technical assistance packages for members of the Forum of Small States, which Minister Vivian Balakrishnan had mentioned, and fellow small island developing countries.
Mr Desmond Choo and Mr Xie Yao Quan have asked about MFA’s consular assistance efforts. Sir, Singaporeans are at the heart of MFA’s work. Last year, MFA handled more than 4,000 consular cases and facilitated more than 2,000 Documents of Identity for Singaporeans. Our Missions around the world extended assistance under difficult circumstances, for example, during the severe flooding in Hainan and the earthquake in Vanuatu.
Last year, we saw a 54% increase in the number of e-registrants. We urge Singaporeans to continue to e-register with us. We have improved the e-register platform. We have also leveraged technology to help us deliver consular assistance more quickly and effectively.
Ms Poh Li San, Ms Joan Pereira, Miss Rachel Ong and Mr Gerald Giam have asked how we were engaging Singaporeans on foreign policy issues. Sir, a strong, united society is the foundation for Singapore’s success. Foreign policy begins at home. By introducing foreign policy concepts early, we empower young Singaporeans to have an interest in Singapore’s approach to global issues. Even when views diverge, respectful dialogue is key.
We aim to make foreign policy understandable, including through social media, and this is on top of the talks and dialogues that we already do. A shared sense of responsibility and vision ensures that we can face global challenges with confidence and cohesion.
The Chairman: We have time for clarifications. Mr Vikram Nair.
Mr Vikram Nair: Chairman, just two clarifications. The first is: pulling together the different threads of multilateralism, it is quite clear that the current US administration has moved away from the multilateral approach. But what seems to emerge is that many other countries, including Europe, Japan, and even China has said it is bringing its disputes to the WTO. So, is it possible that there are divergent currents, and there are, in fact, many countries which still believe in multilateralism, and it would still be possible to work on the positive views towards multilateralism and build more networks for Singapore, which I think we are already doing.
The second is: I am grateful to Minister Maliki for sharing the principled approach we have taken in relation to Palestine, and for reminding this House that we have taken a strong view against the illegal actions taken by Israel in the occupied territories. One of the issues that many agencies providing aid are facing is that aid is not actually reaching the recipients. What has Singapore's experience been with aid reaching the recipients, and if we have been successful, what has helped with that?
Dr Vivian Balakrishnan: Mr Vikram Nair is right. There are still many countries which realise that it is in our enlightened long-term interest to support multilateralism and international law, and the Member has just mentioned the list would include Europe, it will include Southeast Asia, and even in the longer run, certainly South America and Africa.
But we also need to be realistic that if the big powers, with a lack of strategic trust and trying to stay ahead, are willing to take liberties with multilateralism, or maybe the other way I would express it is that they are not willing to be restricted and tied down by the restraints of multilateralism or international law, and given their current imperative to stay ahead of one another, it will be very difficult to operate. Because they will say, no, I have not. I mean, for instance, there are major powers that have not signed on to UNCLOS. There are major powers which are not signed on to the Paris Agreement. And it is very hard to make these agreements enforceable and implementable without the participation of major powers.
And that is the point I am making. So, it does not mean we give up. In fact, it means the rest of us need to double down, need to do our best to support the WTO and WHO and to support the UN and to continue to make the point that the UN Charter is essential, and that if the UN goes the way of the League of Nations, then we are in very, very dangerous territory.
You can take your favourite historical allusion. Are we in a pre-World War I phase? Which was characterised by empires reaching their limits, globalisation in an empire way was coming to an end. Then, you had World War I, at least four empires were destroyed by it. But even in the aftermath of World War I, the Treaty of Versailles, the reparations; the territorial boundary redrawing in Germany; the Great Depression in the 1929 onwards, you had a world with beggar-thy-neighbour policies, depression, grievance and the domestic rise of Nazism and Fascism – all the isms. That really set the stage for World War II.
The unique blessing after World War II was that there was a very benevolent victor in the United States of America, which rebuilt the countries it vanquished: Japan, Germany, Europe, through the Marshall Plan, which I had mentioned just now, because it constituted 40% of global GDP. Every additional dollar generated in the world, 40 cents came back to America. It was worth its while to underwrite that liberal world order that we have enjoyed for the past 80 years.
So, be realistic. We are no longer in that kind of climate. As I said, this is a geo-strategic climate change. It is not just a change of weather. So, be realistic. Be careful. To the maximum extent, continue to hold fast to our principles. Make common cause wherever possible. But understand that it is not business as usual.
I think the Member had the other question on Israel. It has been difficult for aid to reach the people in Gaza, a combination of reasons.
Firstly, the Israelis have been very, very strict, because they want to make sure that there is no dual-use equipment getting through the convoys. Secondly, you would have seen the videos. The convoys get mobbed the moment they cross over because there is chaos and no security.
It is very dangerous. We ourselves, as Minister Ng Eng Hen has emphasised, we ourselves have considered how can we even deploy medical or humanitarian facilities, but it is not possible to do so safely.
What we can do is to continue to impress on Israelis that it is in their own interest to facilitate aid deliveries. But I am afraid they have prioritised their security and other considerations over that. I note that even in the last few days, there has been further hurdles to delivery of assistance.
To the extent that our voice is heard, we will add to that chorus that says, it is in Israel's interest to make sure aid flows to the people who need help.
The Chairman: Ms Sylvia Lim.
Ms Sylvia Lim: Thank you, Sir. I have a clarification on Myanmar and ASEAN.
Under the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus, there seems to be a heavy reliance on the special envoy being appointed to possibly mediate between the parties, to visit the parties in Myanmar.
It has been pointed out by commentators that one of the difficulties is that because of the annual rotation of country chair in ASEAN, a new special envoy is appointed each year and it seems that the work sort of starts all over again. It has been suggested that one of the reforms that could be considered is that ASEAN might set up a permanent secretariat that is dedicated to Myanmar, with staff that specialise in the issue and can provide more institutional memory and support to the special envoy.
I wonder whether that is something that we are pushing for or has been considered.
Dr Vivian Balakrishnan: I think these are all ideas which can be considered. But again, in the spirit of being realistic, Myanmar is a very, very difficult challenge. And the problems do not just go back to 2021, when the coup was launched. It goes back to the fact that they have never yet been able to truly constitute a single nation out of the diversity that encompasses the totality of Myanmar.
They have not yet been able to work out the political formula to bring people together, to bring all the different elements of state together into a balance which is constructive and positive. I say all this to illustrate that they have not even got past the fundamental nation building exercise. The coup is just one more symptom of that fundamental problem.
The other point you also need to realise is that we must understand by now, I have seen no historical example of an external interference riding in, conquering even and building a nation. Having elections does not solve any political problem if you have not got the values and that spirit to achieve workable compromises.
From my interactions in the past – I have not gone there since 2021, but certainly, from my past interactions with Myanmar leaders across the spectrum, I found it is very difficult to get them together.
So, the problem is, we can change envoys; we can have special envoys; we can have permanent envoys. That is not the red limiting factor. I have consistently urged at ASEAN meetings that we need strategic patience. Because if we get impatient, what are our alternatives?
To mount an external operation? It will not work. I guarantee the Member, it will not work. It will not work militarily. It will not work politically.
At the end of the day, these fractured countries, their leaders need to arrive at the appropriate political compromise and to create a nation out of very disparate segments who, unfortunately, because so much blood has been shed, have a lot of stored grievances.
Again, I caution patience. As a doctor, first, do no harm. Our heart bleeds for them. We have people from Myanmar in Singapore. I am sure the Member is also speaking from direct experience. It is heartbreaking for them and their relatives. But be very, very careful not to make things worse.
I am sorry I do not have a quick solution for Myanmar, except that to the extent that they are willing to compromise. Any ASEAN country, all ASEAN countries will be most happy to support them. That was the formula behind the Five-Point Consensus, if we look at the points in there. They arose out of a speech which Senior Minister Lee made at that special meeting that was convened in April 2021 in Jakarta where all the ASEAN countries were represented, including the military leader in Myanmar. But I am sorry to say, there has been no progress.
The Chairman: Mr Gerald Giam.
Mr Gerald Giam Yean Song: Sir, Minister Maliki talked about stepping up on our engagement with Africa. I believe we currently only have one resident mission in Sub-Saharan Africa. Are there plans to open up more Embassies, High Commissions or Trade Offices in growing and influential African countries, like Nigeria and Kenya, as well as in South America?
Beyond consular assistance, this could be another step towards diversifying our economic and diplomatic interests beyond the major powers, which is what I raised in my cut as well.
Dr Mohamad Maliki Bin Osman: I thank Mr Gerald Giam for the question. I believe Mr Gerald Giam used to be an MFA officer. He understands the challenges with regard to manpower. I think if we are able to have more resources, we will do more. But the reality is that resources are limited. We ensure that when we decide to establish or open a new Embassy or a new Mission in any city or any country, it is because we see there is potential for a relationship to be established at a higher level.
So, we start off with ascertaining the potential for collaboration with a particular country. Africa is seen as an emerging region. We do have non-resident ambassadors (NRAs) already appointed in several African countries. The non-resident ambassadors have done an excellent job for us. They started looking at various areas for collaboration, established relationships with key leaders in those African countries. You will see the evolution of us setting up missions in countries from the work of some of our NRAs.
We will continue to review the African countries and the potential for Africa as a region for us to see if we will be able to set up new Missions in that area. I am pretty sure when the time comes, when we see the potential being a lot more real, we will then be able to make those decisions.
But for now, I want to assure Mr Giam that our NRAs have done an excellent job. We continue to also have systems where ambassadors in one particular mission are also accredited into another country.
It does not mean that without a mission, that those countries are not taken care of. We continue to pay attention to the various accounts or the different countries in the African region, as with any other region, and we continue to assess the extent to which we are able to set up new missions, depending on the resources that are available.
The Chairman: Mr Sitoh Yih Pin.
Mr Sitoh Yih Pin: Sir, I would like to go back to the first half of the COS, when Minister Vivian and many of us acknowledged that we are living in a topsy-turvy, troublesome, turbulent world. Because it is not only taking away the idea of the rule of law, it is also something along the lines that might is right and big is beautiful.
The Minister alluded to SG60 just now, very briefly, but really, 60 years of a wonderful nation building is not enough. We want 600 years and beyond. So, from an MFA perspective, what is the plan? That is all.
Dr Vivian Balakrishnan: This is a prime ministerial question. But more seriously, I think historically, Venice as a city-state survived for several centuries. But actually, in the long run of history, it has not been kind for tiny city-states. Let us just take that first point. Historical.
Second point, as it relates to Singapore. Sixty years ago, for the sake of a belief in an ideal that we will be a multiracial society, a Singaporean Singapore, not based on being an Indian, Malay or Chinese nation, we were evicted from Malaysia. We lost a hinterland.
As a consequence of that, we should be grateful Mr Lee Kuan Yew, Dr Goh Keng Swee, Mr S Rajaratnam decided that the loss of our immediate hinterland does not have to mean that we are cut off from our supplies and economic opportunities. If you read the speeches in the 1960s, the concept of being a global city, of leapfrogging even our immediate neighbourhood came about.
That was brilliant. But in my speech, what I was also trying to say, that concept worked at a very unusual time in global history. Unusual, because it was Pax Americana characterised by free trade, global supply chains, expansions of multinational enterprises, multilateral organisations, international law. Can you see how that global environment was so conducive to this fledging, unlikely city-state trying to forge and make a living as a global city?
Fast forward to today, I think our Pioneer leaders managed to capture every gust of wind that was available. We were an entreport. You look at PSA, airports, our trade volume more than three times our GDP. No other political entity has that ratio in the world.
Out of just imagination and gumption, we became a global financial centre. We became a major logistics centre. We became a repository for intellectual property. And then, we also benefited not just because of the rule of law and common law and the fact that our bureaucracy and our legislation fitted quite easily into the British common law, and therefore by extension, even American systems. We had all these companies coming in.
Can you see my point that yes, of course, Mr Lee Kuan Yew, once when I was sailing in with him in Marina Bay before it became closed, actually we were looking for where to place the Integrated Resorts. But as we were sailing in one sunset, I saw this beautiful landscape, I turned to him and Mr Lim Kim San was beside. I said, \"How do you feel, Mr Lee, seeing this wonderful city?\" He just looked at me gruffly and said, \"Hardworking and disciplined people built all this.\" No fancy theory. Hardworking and disciplined people built all this. So, yes, hardworking and disciplined people called Singaporeans built all this.
Today, now, 60 years later, I know, I am trying not to be too partisan and too politically, but seriously, I remember Mr Neil Parekh saying last week, if our biggest criticism is that we have been lucky and we got unanticipated high corporate tax revenues because companies have come here and their activities have been successful and we are being criticised for having large, fiscal reserves, well, I appeal to the Opposition. Given the state of the world today, even the US is wondering how to pay off its national debt. Do you want to be a net debtor, paying off your debts? Or are we better off with a significant reserve; and between the return on reserves or corporate tax competing to see which one is bigger, can you see there is great reason to be grateful?
So, understand how blessed we have been by the Pioneer leaders and the hardworking and disciplined Singaporeans and the global environment which was very kind to us.
Now I am saying, the rules have changed. We are going to a more hostile, more difficult environment. But I am also saying, please do not be pessimistic and do not lose hope because we have strengths. Having those reserves, having the fiscal strength, the debate which we are having now about the Budget is, I think, unique in the world. No one else is facing this luxury, where the Finance Minister, the Prime Minister, can put significant sums in long-term funds to invest in our people, in our infrastructure and to make ourselves future ready.
So, I cannot look 600 years, but let us just settle for 10 years. What are the opportunities in the next 10 years? I have said, maybe I am biased, as a doctor, as a surgeon, but I happen to believe digital technologies and AI, biotechnology, because in fact healthcare and biology have now become an extension of digital technologies. It is digital technologies that have enabled the acceleration of the human genome project, it is digital technologies that has enabled us now to solve the issue of protein folding and to create designer molecules, designer drugs. There is so much there and we have not even started about editing the human genome. And green energy, sustainable energy, because guess what? AI requires a lot of energy.
But in fact, the challenge of climate change can be solved with current technologies if we get our legislative and our policy structures right.
So, my point is, I am actually excited because I see a world in which there are revolutions with great opportunities. And I am confident that the strengths of a city state with fiscal reserves, and that a Prime Minister or a Foreign Minister of Singapore, at least in the next 10 years, does not have to go to any other capital or any other office with his hands asking for help. Anything which we want we buy, we pay full market price. So, we say we are your partner. We are not your vassal state or your tributary. And therefore, hopefully, no one treats us shabbily. They treat us with some reasonable respect, because we are a partner or we are a customer, a high value customer. That is to me, an enormous advantage.
And then we continue to invest in our people and our infrastructure, future-proof them, and we continue to remain an open city. That openness is also critical to the long-term survival of a city state. History has shown that. Even if you go back to the early states of Venice and all that. The thing about a city is that it must always act as a magnet for ideas, for talent, for opportunity. So, therefore, I still, I am very tempted to say the best is yet to be. But I believe that. [Applause.]
The Chairman: On that note of cautious optimism, Mr Vikram Nair, would you like to withdraw your amendment?
Mr Vikram Nair: I would like to thank Minister Vivian Balakrishnan, Minister Maliki Osman and Senior Minister of State Sim Ann for sharing the work of the Ministry, and of course, all the staff in the Ministry and all our missions abroad for their hard work carrying our flag. Chairman, I seek leave to withdraw my cut.
[(proc text) Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. (proc text)]
[(proc text) The sum of $576,173,800 for Head N ordered to stand part of the Main Estimates. (proc text)]
[(proc text) The sum of $36,600,000 for Head N ordered to stand part of the Development Estimates. (proc text)]
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Committee of Supply – Head P (Ministry of Home Affairs)","subTitle":"A united, safe and resilient nation in turbulent times","sectionType":"OS","content":"The Chairman: Head P, Ministry of Home Affairs. Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim.
Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim (Chua Chu Kang): Chairman, I move, \"That the total sum to be allocated for Head P of the Estimates be reduced by $100\".
In today’s world, where divisions and distrust are rising, preserving trust and safeguarding racial and religious harmony are more important than ever. Many societies, including ours, are facing challenges such as misinformation, external influences and global conflicts that can strain social cohesion. In such times, it is not just the responsibility of the Government but also of community organisations and the general public to work together to defend our unity.
The Government plays a critical role in setting the legal and policy framework, but policies alone are not enough. True harmony comes from the everyday actions of our people. Community organisations can lead the way by creating safe spaces for dialogue, encouraging interfaith understanding and addressing concerns before they escalate into divisions.
The public, too, has a powerful role to play. Everyday interactions matter. Simple acts, like respecting different religious practices, learning about other cultures, and standing up against discrimination, help build a more inclusive society. The fight against misinformation is also crucial. In an era where divisive rhetoric spreads easily online, responsible sharing of information is key to ensuring that harmony is not undermined by falsehoods.
However, for any society to stay united, trust in public institutions, especially those responsible for law and order, is essential. Yet, across the world, many institutions are suffering from a trust deficit. Concerns about transparency, fairness, and accountability have led to a declining confidence in governments and law enforcement agencies. This is a worrying trend because when people lose trust in institutions, they turn to alternative sources, sometimes unreliable or even harmful ones.
Singapore has largely maintained high levels of trust in its institutions, but we must not take this for granted. One lesson we can learn from other countries is the importance of proactive engagement.
Defending racial and religious harmony is a shared responsibility. While the Government provides policies and enforcement, community organisations and individuals must actively contribute to a culture of mutual respect and understanding. At the same time, strengthening trust in institutions, especially those responsible for law and order, is vital for a stable and united society.
May I ask the hon Minister, how can stakeholders like community organisations and the general public work with the Government to safeguard and defend Singapore’s racial and religious harmony in the coming years? Public institutions globally are suffering from a trust deficit. What has the Ministry done to shore up public trust and confidence in the Home Team?
In today’s digital world, technology is a double-edged sword. It drives progress but also enables new forms of crime, from cyberattacks to online scams and misinformation. To stay ahead, we must harness technology and strengthen partnerships across sectors.
Governments must invest in artificial intelligence (AI)-driven threat detection, advanced cybersecurity frameworks and digital forensics. But technology alone is not enough. Collaboration between law enforcement, tech companies and the public is crucial. Public education on digital risks, real-time information sharing, and international cooperation can enhance our ability to tackle these evolving threats. By combining innovation with strong partnerships, we can build a safer, more resilient society in the face of emerging security challenges.
In the face of rapid technological advancements, how is the Home Team leveraging technology like AI, both to facilitate its operations and to deal with tech-enabled crime? Are our legislative frameworks adequate to deal with tech-enabled crime? How is the Home Team helping its officers to develop new skills and capabilities so that they can utilise the new technology and remain ready to address emerging security challenges? Can the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) provide an update on efforts to level up the security industry? With the rise in cybercrime, how is the Home Team enhancing its partnerships with the community and members of the public to promote safety and security in both the digital and physical space?
[(proc text) Question proposed. (proc text)]
Ms He Ting Ru (Sengkang): Sir, legislators around the world are worried about the risks associated with generative AI and efforts are being made sometimes on an inter-parliamentary level to work out best practises to address the risks of this rapidly developing field. Singapore actively participates in such fora and regularly shares our experience with counterparts internationally and I support such moves across borders to take a firm stance against such malicious and downright criminal actions.
My cut will focus on how generative artificial intelligence (GenAI), through improving deepfake technology, is able to supercharge the effects of online violence against individual. I am mindful that some in this House have been victims of such deepfake online violence and have reported these matters to the relevant authorities, and wish to acknowledge the real harm that such actions have on all victims.
My cut today will focus on areas where I feel special attention is warranted. First, children. The Centre for Democracy and Technology (CDT) in the US reported in 2024 that 40% of students and 29% of teachers were aware of a deepfake depicting individuals associated with their school being shared. In Singapore, reports in November 2024 emerged that students from one of our schools were investigated for deepfake nude photos of female classmates shared amongst WhatsApp groups, illustrating that we too are experiencing this problem.
There is increasing acknowledgement that because of their young age and still developing brain, children are more vulnerable to the long-lasting psychological damage caused by harmful deepfakes. Victims of such crimes end up with significant distress, anxiety and depression, and some even experience post-traumatic stress disorder. There is also often a long tail of effects that stretch beyond social and emotional damage, especially as these child victims sometimes end up being unable to attend school because they are suffering so much.
Next, minding the gender gap. While both males and females have been victims, women are still very much the overwhelming target of deepfakes, particularly those involving sexually explicit images. A 2019 industry report found that 100% of examined content on deepfake pornography websites targeted women. Some commentators are also worried about the weaponisation of AI against women, particularly when facial search engines can scoop up these deepfake images and link them to one's Internet identity for a long time. There is thus concern about a chill effect on women's career progression.
A 2020 study by the Economist Intelligence Unit notes that 7% of women surveyed lost or had to change jobs due to online violence, with 35% reporting mental health issues. Even more alarmingly, nine in 10 women restrict their online activity in an attempt to protect themselves. This increases the digital gender divide and limits access to employment, education, healthcare and community through digital spaces directly correlating with lost career opportunities.
This also has implications on our efforts to get more women into politics. A 2024 Oxford study notes that women may be discouraged from running for public office when female politicians are targeted. A fellow delegate at a Commonwealth Parliamentary Association conference on AI and misinformation last year shared that when both female and male politicians in his country fell victim to sexually explicit deepfakes, hardly anyone clicked on the links for the male politician while the deepfake content for the female politician went viral.
There is thus, clearly, a gender perspective to harms caused by AI that we need to be mindful of and our measures to deal with the problems has to address these. MHA announced last year that there will be amendments to the Penal Code to make clear that our offences apply to sexually explicit deepfakes produced through AI and I would like to seek clarifications from the Minister on when we can expect these to be tabled. There was also an announcement of a new agency to tackle online harms announced by Prime Minister Wong in October last year, as a joint Ministry of Digital Development and Information (MDDI) and Ministry of Law effort.
I support this as no victim should have to submit individual take down requests. Equally welcome are the laws that MDDI announced will be introduced to allow victims to file civil claims against their perpetrators and I look forward to hearing more details about these upcoming changes. I asked the Minister for Home Affairs in August 2024 to consider an anti-scam centre-like model, to allow a centralised response to deepfake related crimes and hope that the new online harms agency can be the base from which we work and include both psychological support and education.
Our officers handling such cases should be given regular and updated training to support victims of such crimes from a victim-centric approach, as some may feel hesitant reporting such crimes out of shame or fear of inadvertently triggering the Streisand effect. It should also be easy for victims to be channelled to train mental health professionals to support them throughout the entire process. For education, it is crucial that agencies also work across departments to ensure that both children and adults are aware of the real harms that such deepfakes can cause.
Finally, I hope that the Ministry can start collecting and publishing granulated data that show and track the issue over time, paying attention to particularly vulnerable groups of victims, such as women and children, so that we can all play our part in fighting the scourge of these crimes.
Mr Pritam Singh (Aljunied): According to the Singapore Police Forces Annual Road Traffic Situation 2023 and 2024 reports, the number of traffic accidents is on an upward trend. Who are the most vulnerable on our roads? They are motorcyclists and elderly pedestrians. While motorcycles make up about 14.7% of the vehicle population, motorcyclists or pillion riders were involved in 55.2% of traffic accidents and close to 60% of all traffic fatalities. The elderly made up close to 12.5% of the population, but were involved in 44% of all pedestrian fatalities.
Separately, accidents involving foreign workers on lorries have seen three fatalities a year, from 2020 to 2022.
I propose greater public participation with incentives to nudge road users to drive safely. Would the Ministry consider encouraging road users to report to the Traffic Police, with video evidence, unsafe, negligent or rash road behaviour committed against motorcyclists and elderly pedestrians?
If summonses are issued to and paid by errant road users, a percentage of the summons amount, after accounting for administrative costs, can be given to the person who first reported the incident to incentivise the reporting of unsafe road practises. Such an approach will significantly supplement Traffic Police enforcement operations, particularly in view of the national manpower challenge.
A similar approach can be taken towards drivers who transport foreign workers in lorries. Should they speed or drive in an unsafe manner, road users should be encouraged to report such behaviour and should expect to receive some percentage of the fine amount for their act of civic consciousness. This is for the act of reporting on these episodes. To this end, can the Minister tell us whether the Traffic Police would consider reintroducing the blinking amber light that used to be commonly seen on the top of cabins of commercial vehicles, so that road users can be alerted to commercial vehicles carrying goods and foreign workers more easily?
Ms Sylvia Lim (Aljunied): Sir, recently, I came across senior citizens who had problems trying to renew their driving licences after they reached 65 when they needed to submit medical reports. Some of them could not recall receiving letters from the Traffic Police about the matter. Others recounted receiving the letters, but explained that they had problems using Singpass to attach their medical reports or had tried unsuccessfully to seek clarification through emails to the Traffic Police (TP).
From my observations, a driver whose licence has expired may not be aware of this. The problem becomes incurable when the licence has lapsed for three years or more. Under the Road Traffic Act, such a licence cannot be renewed and the driver has to retake the relevant competency test. This came as a shock to some residents. I feel that this area deserves review in two aspects.
First, could the age at which medical reports are required be moved to a later age? With better nutrition and health, and Singaporeans working longer, we could look at requiring medical examinations later. In Australia, for instance, the age requirement is generally 75 or even 80. Second, it would be better if TP could issue a final letter to seniors once their driving licences have expired for two years. The letter should remind them that if they do not renew their licence within the next one year, they will not be able to do so. This would be an important safeguard.
Mr Alex Yam (Marsiling-Yew Tee): Sir, Singapore's racial and religious harmony has long been the foundation of our social fabric. Yet, in today's volatile global landscape and with recent reports of far-right extremism, even in our midst, we must acknowledge that this precious harmony cannot be taken for granted. We do not inherit harmony, we continue to build on it. It is therefore incumbent on all of us to remain vigilant in preserving this unity.
I would therefore like to ask the Ministry for its assessment of the current state of racial and religious relations, and how our agencies are anticipating emerging threats in this space. We have seen how technology and social media can amplify divisive ideologies, enabling dangerous actors to find like-minded communities or target the vulnerable with disinformation.
In this fight against extremism, it is essential that stakeholders – community groups, religious organisations, educational institutions and the general public – partner with the Government. Community organisations can serve as first responders on the ground, spotting early warning signs and offering constructive channels for dialogue. Religious leaders can build bridges of understanding through inter-faith activities, fostering trust and empathy among different communities. The public, too, has a critical role to play: by promoting open conversations, reporting suspicious activities and rejecting hateful rhetoric, whenever it arises.
As we continue to navigate an increasingly complex security environment, may we always be guided by vigilance, empathy and unity. I therefore seek the Ministry's views on how we may deepen our collective efforts to safeguard Singapore's social harmony, ensuring that future generations can inherit a society bound together by respect and mutual understanding.
Mr Vikram Nair (Sembawang): Chairman, while Singapore generally remains a safe and harmonious place, maintaining racial and religious harmony requires ongoing work.
At the last Sitting, this House passed the Racial Harmony Bill and this complements the earlier legislation we had in relation to religious harmony. These Bills give the Government a new set of tools to deal with racial and religious harmony.
Notwithstanding the safeguards in place, we continue to see self-radicalised people getting arrested under the Internal Security Act. The most recent was our first arrest for a person engaged in far-right extremism in Singapore. In previous years, we had seen people arrested who were self-radicalised by materials from violent religious groups online.
What is the Ministry's assessment of the main threats to racial and religious relations in Singapore and what actions does it plan to take in response?
The Chairman: The next Member is not present. Ms Mariam Jaafar.
Ms Mariam Jaafar (Sembawang): Chairman, as Singapore's emergency services demand grows with an ageing population and rising health concerns, the Singapore Civil Defence Forces (SCDF) may face challenges in maintaining a robust and ready workforce. This has already been seen in other healthcare-related fields. It was recently announced that SCDF will begin recruiting foreign paramedics and Emergency Medical Technician (EMTs) to complement our local workforce. Emergency personnel are entrusted with the urgent and crucial task of providing life-saving medical treatment during emergencies.
It is imperative that they go through a stringent selection process, which includes an assessment of medical training and relevant certifications and familiarity with healthcare protocols, emergency procedures and cultural expectations. Can the Minister share what source countries are being considered and how the Government will ensure quality and fit with local needs? How will SCDF assure the public that this approach will complement rather than displace our local workforce?
The Chairman: Assoc Prof Razwana Begum, please take your two cuts together.
Assoc Prof Razwana Begum Abdul Rahim (Nominated Member): Sir, the Home Team Transformation will assist to enhance Singapore's security and resilience in a increasingly complex environment. By focusing on workforce development, the transformation will ensure that Home Team agencies are equipped with the skills and expertise needed to address evolving security threats.
This initiative will not only strengthen operational capabilities but will also foster innovation and enable the Home Team to effectively safeguard the nation, while also adapting to technological advancements and dynamic changes. On that note, how is the Ministry fostering education and lifelong learning among Home Team members to ensure that they are prepared for future challenges, while also supporting their personal and professional development?
Rehabilitation and reintegration into the community are crucial steps in the recovery journey for former drug users, particularly those transiting from custody. It is important that we have in place initiatives designed to support this process, including initiatives that target the unique needs of female drug users.
On that note, how is the Ministry addressing the specific needs of female drug users; and how can we strengthen community partnerships to effectively lower recidivism rates; and what part can social services, and the wider community, play in bolstering support for innovative initiatives within the halfway house system?
Ms See Jinli Jean (Nominated Member): Yellow Ribbon Singapore has made good strides in supporting ex-offenders to upskill and develop careers through initiatives, such as giving ex-offenders who secured jobs through YRSG up to 12 months of career coaching and support.
Nonetheless, some ex-offenders could find it challenging to cope and thus leave these jobs. What more can MHA do to prepare and support inmates in their desistance journey?
Mr Patrick Tay Teck Guan (Pioneer): Sir, at this MHA Committee of Supply (COS) debate, I want to talk about second chances. In my interactions in the Labour Movement with ex-offenders and inmates, they hope when they leave prison to be given an opportunity to rebuild their lives with dignity.
We need to invest in the three Rs of rehabilitation: raising their employability and employment opportunities, and re-integrating them back into their families and the community. This is not just about reducing recidivism. It is about creating a community where everyone, regardless of their past, has a chance to contribute and thrive.
I applaud the work of Yellow Ribbon Singapore and the many voluntary welfare organisations (VWOs) and groups that have stepped forward and up to help this vulnerable segment of our community.
Can MHA provide an update on what we have done and how far have we come thus far and whether laws such as the Registration of Criminals Act can be reviewed to offer them second chances and have their records spent earlier?
The Chairman: The next Member is not present. Mr Vikram Nair, please take your two cuts together.
Mr Vikram Nair: Chairman, in many parts of the world, drug use is a problem getting out of control. Even in developed countries like the US, the opioid crisis haunts many of its largest cities. Thousands of lives are ruined by the ready availability of drugs all over the world.
Singapore has remained a relative oasis against this scourge thanks to a combination of strong laws, including the death penalty, against drug trafficking. Strong enforcement of the laws and national education as well support these measures. Singapore's rates of drug addiction have been amongst the lowest in the world.
Concerningly though, Central Narcotics Bureau's (CNB's) latest figures on drug use amongst youths shows a larger number of arrests over the last two years amongst users below 20 years old. Do these figures suggest growing drug use amongst youths? What are MHA's strategies for dealing with the rise of drug use amongst youths in Singapore?
Chairman, Singapore is amongst the safest cities in the world and we are proud of our low crime rates. Unfortunately, one area of vulnerability for us has been scams. According to reports, last year, our people lost $1.1 billion to scams, with the largest number of cases ever reported. The figure is around 70% higher than the $651.8 million that scammers took in 2023.
In recent years, MHA has taken a variety of measures to combat scams, including better education and publicity, rolling out the ScamShield app and engaging in cooperation internationally to try and crack down on scam operators. Notwithstanding these measures, it appears the problem continues to grow and scammers are thriving.
The most recent measures include action being taken against Singaporeans who may have assisted foreign scammers, including those who help with opening bank accounts that are being used to facilitate scams.
Would the MHA consider taking stricter measures to better detect and deter local Singaporeans from assisting scam operations, in particular, by being money mules?
In some ways, this is similar to the measures we have taken against drug traffickers and illegal moneylenders. While we may be unable to take action against foreign principals, by taking a zero-tolerance approach against their agents in Singapore, we managed to bring both of those problems under better control.
I understand from previous COS debates that the transnational nature of scams makes it difficult to both combat scams and recover the victims' assets. Does the MHA have any further thoughts on how this may be addressed?
The Chairman: Ms Mariam Jaafar, please take your two cuts together.
Ms Mariam Jaafar: Sir, the latest statistics show youth drug abuse continue to rise despite our strict laws. More young people are experimenting with drugs, often influenced by social media and peer pressure. We must strengthen early intervention, working closely with schools, parents and community partners, and rehabilitation must also be a priority. Prevention, enforcement and rehabilitation must go hand in hand.
Can the Minister share what steps are being taken to ensure our youths stay drug free and have a future full of promise?
Messaging apps and social media platforms remain a keyway for scammers to reach victims. Many Members of Parliament (MPs) have had fake social media accounts created in our names. I want to share a recent personal experience.
Recently, others have reported a fake Facebook page in my name. Facebook declined to take down the page, citing that it does not violate community standards. Residents have told me they have received friend-requests and messages from my Facebook page, asking for their email addresses and other personal details, which I find alarming.
My experience is probably a drop in the ocean. Could MHA update on how cooperative messaging apps and social media platforms have been in combating scams? Can they do more?
Assoc Prof Razwana Begum Abdul Rahim: Sir, the increase in scams poses a significant threat to personal, organisational and national security in Singapore. Effectively, countering these threats requires collaboration among government bodies, tech companies and international partners.
On that note, what strategies are currently being employed by the Ministry to identify and respond to the new and emerging threats in a timely and effective manner? How is the Ministry working with tech companies and international partners to address the multifaceted nature of scams, and how can the community contribute to the fighting against scams?
Mr Keith Chua (Nominated Member): Mr Chairman, scams continue to be a pressing concern in our digital age. As technology evolves, so do the tactics of scammers, who increasingly exploit messaging apps and social media to deceive victims. Despite ongoing public awareness efforts and enhanced security measures, scams continue to remain persistent and a costly issue.
Given the ease with which scammers infiltrate these platforms, it is crucial that we ensure a strong and coordinated response. I would like to therefore ask MHA how cooperative have messaging apps and social media platforms been in combating scams? What measures are in place to enhance collaboration with these platforms to swiftly detect and disrupt scam operations? How are social media and messaging platforms being held accountable for scam activities on their networks?
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Extension of a Sitting","subTitle":"Business Motion","sectionType":"OS","content":"The Chairman: Order. Pursuant to Standing Order No 91(3)(d), I propose to extend the time of this day's Committee Sitting for a period of up to 30 minutes.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Committee of Supply – Head P (Ministry of Home Affairs)","subTitle":"A united, safe and resilient nation in turbulent times","sectionType":"OS","content":"[(proc text) Debate resumed. (proc text)]
The Chairman: Mr Sitoh Yih Pin, you can take your two cuts together.
Mr Sitoh Yih Pin (Potong Pasir): Mr Chairman, I rise again this year to raise the pressing and worrying concern of scams in the community. Recent figures report that in 2024, the number of scams alone, increased by 10.6% to 51,501 cases from 2023. This means that more Singaporeans have fallen victim to various scams last year. Even more concerning is the report that the total amount of monies lost increased by 70.6% to at least $1.1 billion in 2024.
These are deeply worrying statistics. Breaking down the statistics on the top contact methods which scammers employees shows that messaging and social media platforms form the two largest group of contact methods favoured by scammers. Scammers using platforms such as WhatsApp, Telegram, Facebook and Tik Tok account for more than half of all scams committed.
We know that our Home Team is making it a key priority and working hard to combat scams and cybercrime. This House has also passed various legislation to provide the Home Team with the necessary powers to address this issue.
On the other hand, however, as responsible corporate entities, we do not hear much of the efforts of the messaging and social platforms in utilising the information they have in the operations to support the fight against scams.
As such media platforms, leverage on their membership and user numbers to monetise revenue, it is only right for them to put, in a commensurate amount of effort in also protecting the interests of their members and users.
I would like to invite the Minister to share with this House, if this messaging and social media platforms, have been cooperative in combating scams and if the Ministry intends to further, regulate the platforms to ensure that they do even more to address such scams.
One of the reasons why scammers are successful is because law enforcement is also left chasing the tails of scammers. I say these because the scammers are adept and extremely quick in changing tactics or deploying a different method as soon as they realise that law enforcement or the public have caught on to their ruse.
There are also certain scam tactics that seemed to remain evergreen such as job scams, fake friend call scams or phishing scams. Yet even within these so-called established categories of scams, scammers evolve their own methodology very often.
Apart from law enforcement working harder, smarter and quicker with various stakeholders to catch perpetrators of scams or break up scams syndicates, I think their public education also plays an important role in preventing scams. Perhaps the most straightforward way to prevent scams is for an informed citizenry not to fall victim to scams.
I invite the Minister to update us on how the Ministry can better inform and educate the public on the evolving tactics of these scammers.
Dr Tan Wu Meng (Jurong): My Clementi resident got scammed, life savings gone. She faces bankruptcy and if so, she will lose her job.
The scammers used a local bank account. Someone in Singapore allowed their bank account to be used as a runner's bank account to take my resident's money, send it overseas beyond retrieval.
How many money mules or scam runners actually get caught? Look at the numbers. The runners have done their calculations and many are not deterred.
Last year, scam cases went up 10% year on year, but can MHA's Anti-Scam hotline and the Anti-Scam Command, can they hire 10% more officers every year indefinitely? A very serious problem calls for very serious measures.
Let us look at how the government has handled unlicensed moneylending. The Moneylenders Act states that if someone's bank account is used to facilitate unlicensed moneylending, they are deemed to have assisted the illegal business. Offenders can face jail, fine or even caning.
Today, if a loan shark runner handles $10,000 of cash, taken from a victim, they can be caned. But a scammer or scam runner, if they make off with $100,000 of someone's life savings, from a scam victim, they cannot be caned.
I have Clementi residents wondering, is Singapore too soft on scammers? Because given this discrepancy, we need to harmonise and send a clear message. I call upon the Minister for Home Affairs to allow caning as a punishment for scammers, especially the egregious cases. One possible model for the most egregious cases, mandatory caning. Let us say the runner knew it was organised crime, knew the bank account would be used to take people's money for scams and send it overseas. For intermediate cases, discretionary caning, depending on the facts of the case.
In short, Mr Chairman, we must send a clear message to scammers, the syndicates and those who abet them, if you mess with our people, make off with the life savings of Singaporeans, scams Singaporeans, we must do everything in our power to teach the scammers a lesson they would not forget.
Will the Minister send that message to the scammers and those who assist them in taking our residents' life savings?
The Chairman: Mr Derrick Goh, you can take your two cuts together.
Mr Derrick Goh (Nee Soon): Sir, Singapore is renowned for its physical safety and security. But as our society becomes increasingly digital, the challenge of scams grows ever more complex.
In 2024, we have made considerable progress against this stress. The operationalisation of the Online Criminal Harms Act has disrupted over 45,000 online criminal activities, while the roll-out of enhanced anti-malware features on banking apps have contributed to 85% reduction in malware -enabled scams.
Targeted enforcement efforts led by the Anti-Scam Command have led to the freezing of over 21,000 bank accounts and the recovery of more than $180 million in scam proceeds, along with campaigns like \"Add, Check, Tell\" which were started to empower Singaporeans to recognise and report scams.
Yet, despite these strides, scam cases increased by more than 10% to around 50,000 and overall losses surged by a staggering 70% to more than $1.1 billion as compared to 2023.
A particularly disturbing trend is the rise in scams involving \"self-effected\" transfers, which now account for over 80% of all scam reports. This underscores the adaptive nature of scammers, who not only exploit human vulnerabilities, such as desperation during job hunts or emotional appeals in fraudulent investments, but are also leveraging technologies like AI and deepfakes to further their illicit activities. As scammers evolve, so too must our strategies.
I seek clarity on several points. First, while significant measures have been implemented, including restricting movement of potential victims' monies with the recently passed Protection from Scams Bill, what additional proactive steps can be taken to stem the scourge of scams? Are there plans to strengthen interagency and inter-sector collaborations to pre-empt emerging scam tactics?
Considering the substantial financial losses incurred, what is MHA's assessment of our effectiveness in recovering scam proceeds and how can efforts be further improved?
Third, as scammers exploit advanced technologies such as AI to deploy more convincing fraudulent schemes, what new approaches or legislative frameworks will be introduced to counter these developments? How can our existing technological tools, like the Scam Analytics and Tactical Intervention System, be improved to disrupt emerging scam enablers, including fraudulent mobile numbers and payment channels?
Lastly, how may public education efforts be more targeted to focus on high-loss scam types?
Chairman, fire safety is critical to safeguarding lives and property. While the overall number of fires rose by 2% to almost 2,000 cases in 2024, a worrying trend is the 22% increase in fires involving active mobility devices (AMDs).
These statistics highlight the growing risks associated with AMDs, particularly as they become more prevalent in our daily lives. Over the course of 2024, I assisted several of my residents in Nee Soon Link who suffered injuries and whose flat suffered damages due to fires.
I commend the efforts of the Singapore Civil Defence Force and the Land Transport Authority in assisting these areas. The refreshed campaign underscores the importance of raising awareness about safe charging practices and the proper use of batteries. However, given the rising number of AMD fires, I feel more can be done to mitigate these risks.
Therefore, my questions are: how can MHA further enhance public education efforts to ensure these safety messages reach more users effectively? Are there plans to tighten regulations on the sale and use of non-compliant or non-original AMD batteries, which are key contributors to the risk? How can enforcement and inspection measures at retail points and online marketplaces be strengthened to deter the sale of unsafe devices and components?
Fire prevention begins with awareness and action. We must continue to educate and regulate effectively to keep our homes and communities safe.
Mr Patrick Tay Teck Guan: Sir, I declare my interest as a chairman of the National Healthcare Group's Mental Health Board as well as advisor to the Healthcare Services Employees Union. I am speaking up on behalf of all healthcare workers, whether nursing or non-nursing, who are having to care for and handle patients with mental health conditions.
I am aware that the Ministry of Health has worked out a tripartite advisory on harassment of healthcare workers. However, this feedback is gathered in my engagements with healthcare workers and management at the Institute of Mental Health (IMH) as they have daily face-to-face time with both physical and non-physical contact with patients with behavioural issues.
There have been numerous cases where nurses, staff and even fellow patients had been injured due to sudden and sporadic display of violent and disorderly behaviour of a small proportion of patients. These are clearly recorded cases and sometimes, unarmed private security or even the auxiliary police officers themselves could not act on them and have to call in the police.
I therefore ask for MHA to review the existing legislation, both the main statues and subsidiary legislation such as the Penal Code, Prevention of Harassment Act as well as the Destitute Persons Act, and explore working with IMH to eradicate or if not, minimise the occurrence of such incidents, which affects workplace health and safety of patients, healthcare staff and outsourced workers.
The Chairman: Minister of State Faishal Ibrahim.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Committee of Supply Reporting Progress","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"OS","content":"The Minister of State for Home Affairs (Assoc Prof Dr Muhammad Faishal Ibrahim): Chairman, may I seek your consent to move that progress be reported and leave be asked to sit again?
The Chairman: I give my consent.
[(proc text) Resolved, \"That progress be reported and leave be asked to sit again tomorrow.\" – [Assoc Prof Dr Muhammad Faishal Ibrahim]. (proc text)]
[(proc text) Thereupon Mr Speaker left the Chair of the Committee and took the Chair of the House. (proc text)]
Mr Speaker: Minister of State Faishal Ibrahim.
Mr Muhamad Faisal Bin Abdul Manap: Mr Speaker, Sir, I report that the Committee of Supply has made progress on the Estimates of Expenditure for the financial year 2025/2026, and ask leave to sit again tomorrow.
Mr Speaker: So be it. Deputy Leader.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Adjournment","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"OS","content":"[(proc text) Resolved, \"That Parliament do now adjourn.\" – [Mr Zaqy Mohamad]. (proc text)]
Adjourned accordingly at 7.37 pm.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Terms and Lease Tenure in Rental Contracts for JTC Industrial Facilities","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WANA","content":"9 Assoc Prof Jamus Jerome Lim asked the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Trade and Industry (a) what are the considerations that JTC Corporation (JTC) takes into account in determining the terms for rental contracts for its industrial facilities; and (b) whether JTC will consider medium-term leases beyond the current one to three years.
Mr Gan Kim Yong: Industrial spaces are offered to businesses typically on three-year tenancies, aligned with standard market practice. Renewal of tenancy is also typically for three years and is generally offered unless there are breaches to the tenancy agreement. The JTC Corporation also allows flexibility beyond the standard tenure on a case-by-case basis.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Data on Number of Government-funded ART Treatment Cycles Provided to Couples Attempting to Conceive After Their First Child","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WANA","content":"10 Mr Louis Ng Kok Kwang asked the Minister for Health (a) in each of the past five years, how many couples who have received co-funding from the Government for Assisted Reproductive Technology (ART) to conceive their first child are attempting to have a second child through ART; and (b) what is the mean and median number of remaining ART treatment cycles that are eligible for co-funding from the Government for these couples.
Mr Ong Ye Kung: Over the five years from 2018 to 2022, about 500 women each year attempted to have a second child through Assisted Reproductive Technology (ART) after having used ART co-funding previously to conceive their first child. More recent data is not available.
These women had a mean number of three unused co-funded ART cycles, or a median of four unused cycles, after the first child.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Guidance Given By Community Improvement Projects Committee","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WANA","content":"11 Assoc Prof Jamus Jerome Lim asked the Minister for National Development whether the Community Improvement Projects Committee (CIPC) (i) provides guidelines to the Town Councils (TCs) and Citizens' Consultative Committees (CCCs) to deprioritize proposals for funding Designated Smoking Points (DSPs) and (ii) requests TCs and CCCs to conduct surveys of residents who have requested DSPs, as to whether they are smokers or not, before such community-led initiatives are funded.
Mr Desmond Lee: The Community Improvement Projects Committee (CIPC), provides funding support for community-led improvement projects in Housing and Development Board estates for the benefit of local residents. Such estate enhancements include covered linkways, footpaths, cycling tracks and playgrounds.
To ensure that the CIPC funding is used prudently and that projects serve the general community as a whole, CIPC issues a set of funding eligibility criteria to guide Citizens' Consultative Committees (CCCs) and Town Councils. For example, projects that are not value for money or those that only cater to specific interest groups or commercial entities will be rejected.
The CIPC has not issued any guidelines to deprioritise proposals involving Designated Smoking Points (DSP), nor required the conduct of surveys for such proposals. Having said that, the CIPC has not, to-date, approved any DSP project proposals by any Town Council or CCC. The CIPC's view is that Town Councils or CCCs that wish to build DSPs may do so using their own funds.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Reinstating Late-night Bus Routes and Services to Support Nightlife Sector Recovery","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WANA","content":"12 Mr Yip Hon Weng asked the Minister for Transport whether the Ministry will consider reinstating late-night bus routes and services like the NightRider and Nite Owl to provide more late-night transport options beyond ride-hailing services to support the recovery and accessibility of Singapore's nightlife scene.
Mr Chee Hong Tat: Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, late-night bus services were provided on Fridays, Saturdays and the eves of public holidays. Ridership for these services was very low compared to regular bus services, with an average of about 10 passengers per trip.
The Land Transport Authority is open to proposals from private operators who wish to provide after-hours bus services to meet late-night travel demand on a commercial basis, to complement existing options provided by the point-to-point transport sector.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Future Plans for Nominated Member of Parliament Scheme","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WANA","content":"15 Mr Leong Mun Wai asked the Prime Minister and Minister for Finance whether there are any plans to abolish the Nominated Member of Parliament scheme.
Mr Chan Chun Sing (for the Prime Minister): There is currently no plan to abolish the Nominated Member of Parliament scheme.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Data on Value of CDC Vouchers Donated to Charities and Profile of Beneficiaries","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WANA","content":"16 Ms Usha Chandradas asked the Minister for Culture, Community and Youth (a) what is the total value of CDC Vouchers donated to charity since the scheme's inception; and (b) whether a breakdown can be provided of the donations by type of recipient charities including those charities serving social welfare, healthcare, disability support, art, sports and education initiatives.
Mr Edwin Tong Chun Fai: The CDC Vouchers Donation initiative is part of the Community Development Council's (CDC's) efforts to build caring and inclusive communities. It was first announced in December 2022 as part of CDC Vouchers Scheme 2021 and 2022. The initiative provided Singaporean households the avenue to donate their unused CDC vouchers to participating Institutions of a Public Character (IPCs). These participating IPCs support diverse causes, such as animal welfare, arts and heritage, children and youth, the environment, migrant community, persons with disability and more.
Across the first three tranches of the CDC Vouchers Scheme, close to $2 million was donated by Singaporean households to more than 200 IPCs. The IPCs that received the most donations were from the following causes: animal welfare, children/families/youth, healthcare and persons with disabilities.
These contributions will make a tangible and positive difference to the various causes and beneficiaries.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Reviewing Policies for Bars and Entertainment Licences to Support Nightlife Sector Recovery","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WANA","content":"17 Mr Yip Hon Weng asked the Minister for National Development (a) whether the authorities have tightened the requirements for obtaining entertainment licences for bars in recent years; (b) if so, what are the specific reasons for doing so; (c) whether URA will review the current policies regarding bars and entertainment licences to support the recovery of Singapore's nightlife sector; and (d) whether URA will consider easing the requirements for classifying establishments as bars or granting entertainment licences to allow food and beverage establishments more flexibility and longer opening hours.
Mr Desmond Lee: Operators of nightlife establishments, that is, bars and nightclubs, have to apply to the Urban Redevelopment Authority for planning permission; and to the Singapore Police Force for liquor and public entertainment licences before commencing business operations.
There has been no change in the assessment criteria for planning permission or the relevant licences for nightlife establishments in recent years. These regulatory requirements take into account urban planning considerations, law and order concerns and disamenities to the surrounding residents in the area. The Government regularly reviews these regulatory requirements to ensure that they remain relevant.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Changes to Postal Voting System to Increase Percentage of Postal Ballots for Upcoming General Election","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WA","content":"1 Ms Hazel Poa asked the Prime Minister and Minister for Finance (a) whether the Elections Department (ELD) has completed studies on where and how the postal voting system can be improved after the 2023 Presidential Election; and (b) if so, whether ELD will be implementing any changes to the postal voting system in the upcoming General Election with a view to increase the percentage of postal ballots received that are accepted for counting.
Mr Chan Chun Sing (for the Prime Minister): Postal voting was first introduced in Presidential Election 2023 (PE2023) to enable more overseas Singaporeans to cast their votes. At PE2023, about 60% of the postal ballot papers which reached the Returning Officer (RO) in time, that is, by the 10th day after Polling Day, were accepted for counting. The remaining 40% were rejected mainly due to faint, illegible, missing or late postmarks. Under the law, these postal ballot papers cannot be accepted for counting as RO must be satisfied that the return envelopes were posted before Polling Day.
Hence, for the upcoming General Election, the Elections Department (ELD) will be sending more reminders to postal voters to encourage them to mail their return envelopes back to Singapore early, to have the best chance of reaching Singapore by the deadline to be accepted for counting. If the return envelopes are received by RO before Polling Day, they will be accepted for counting even if the postmark is faint, illegible or missing as the return envelope would have certainly been posted before Polling Day.
In addition, for postal voters residing in countries where the postal voting pre-paid return envelopes are typically not postmarked, ELD will advise them to affix their own postage stamps to better ensure that the return envelope are postmarked. ELD will send regular reminders to these postal voters during the election period.
ELD will also continue to work with Singapore Post to reach out to foreign postal operators to seek their assistance to postmark the return envelopes even if there are no postage stamps affixed.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Ensuring MCSTs' Adherence to Proper Safety Procedures for Condominium Swimming Pools","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WA","content":"2 Mr Yip Hon Weng asked the Minister for Sustainability and the Environment (a) how are condominiums' management corporations held accountable for adhering to proper safety procedures for condominium swimming pools, including regulations related to water quality and chemical usage; (b) how is compliance monitored and enforced; and (c) in the event that pool users experience health problems due to inappropriate chemical levels or other safety breaches in a condominium pool, what recourse does the Ministry provide to affected residents.
Ms Grace Fu Hai Yien: The quality of water in licensed aquatic facilities, such as swimming pools, and the types of disinfectant to be used are regulated under the Environmental Public Health (Licensable Aquatic Facilities) Regulations. Licensees of aquatic facilities, including the Management Corporation Strata Title of condominiums with such facilities, are required to conduct regular water quality monitoring and comply with the stipulated regulatory limits for water quality parameters, including for residual disinfectant. The National Environment Agency (NEA) also conducts regular on-site water sampling audits of selected licensed aquatic facilities. For any contravention of the regulations, licensees may be fined up to $5,000 for the first offence and up to $10,000 for the second or subsequent offence.
In 2021, NEA, the Public Utilities Board, the Ministry of Manpower, the Singapore Civil Defence Force and the Singapore Police Force jointly disseminated a set of guidelines to help swimming pool operators, owners and their contractors verify the safe use and disposal of chlorine-containing chemicals for disinfection of swimming pools. The guidelines include establishing safe work procedures to facilitate pool operations and ensuring that the loading of swimming pool water treatment chemicals and preparation of dosing chemicals should, as far as possible, be carried out during non-peak hours.
Depending on the nature of the case, NEA will work with the relevant agencies and parties to investigate reports on the inappropriate use of chemicals or breaches in water quality in licensed aquatic facilities, such as swimming pools.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Primary Schools with Reduced Intakes in 2023 Compared to 2003 and 2013","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WA","content":"3 Mr Leong Mun Wai asked the Minister for Education what is the number and percentage of primary schools in 2023 that have had their intakes reduced as compared to 2003 and 2013 respectively.
Mr Chan Chun Sing: As mentioned in the Ministry of Education's response to a similar Parliamentary Question posed by Ms Hazel Poa for the Parliament Sitting on 5 February 2025, the school landscape has evolved significantly over the past two decades to better support the educational needs of our students. [Please refer to \"Schools Which Conducted Balloting at Phase 2A of 2023's Primary 1 Registration Exercise That Also Had Reduced Intake\", Official Report, 5 February 2025, Vol 95, Issue 151, Written Answers to Questions section.]
Therefore, to the Member's question, it would not be relevant to compare the intake of primary schools over the past two decades.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Waiting Times for ECDA-approved Infantcare Places Since Launch of Preschool Search Portal","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WA","content":"4 Mr Leong Mun Wai asked the Minister for Social and Family Development (a) in each year since the launch of the Pre-school Search Portal in 2019, what have been the average and median waiting times for Early Childhood Development Agency-approved infant care places for parents who have indicated their interest in the portal; and (b) what are the districts in Singapore with the longest waiting times for infant care places.
Mr Masagos Zulkifli B M M: The Early Childhood Development Agency (ECDA) launched the Preschool Search Portal (PSP) in 2019 to allow parents to register their interest in a preschool for their child. Based on interest registered on the portal, waiting time for infant care places typically ranged between a few weeks and a few months.
ECDA actively monitors the utilisation of places at the national and Planning Area levels to ensure that we can support demand for preschool services. We have increased full-day infant care places by nearly threefold over the last decade to cater to the growing demand. As of end-2024, there were around 16,000 infant care places, out of which around 70% were taken up.
In places with newer housing developments, where supply may be tighter, ECDA will work with Anchor Operators (AOPs) to maximise enrolment of infants. For example, AOPs may need to divert manpower to centres in these areas, or additional preschool capacity may need to be injected.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Response to Project Silver Screen in 2024 and Referrals Made to Eye and ENT Specialists","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WA","content":"5 Ms Hazel Poa asked the Minister for Health (a) in 2024, what is the number of seniors who participated in Project Silver Screen which provides functional screening of the eyes, ears and oral health for Singaporeans aged 60 and above; (b) whether seniors are referred to specialists if there are any eyes, ears and oral health issues detected during the screening; and (c) if so, how many referrals are made in 2024.
Mr Ong Ye Kung: Under Project Silver Screen, seniors found to have functional abnormalities in their vision, hearing and oral health are referred for further investigations at community-based services operated by the healthcare clusters, such as community eye and hearing clinics. Seniors among this group with more complex conditions that cannot be managed within the community are referred to specialists at the public healthcare clusters.
Between October 2023 and September 2024, about 39,000 seniors participated in Project Silver Screen. Of which, about 5,000 were referred to specialists.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Anonymous Testing for Sexually Transmitted Infections Apart from HIV","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WA","content":"6 Mr Louis Ng Kok Kwang asked the Minister for Health (a) whether the Ministry will consider allowing anonymous testing for other sexually transmitted infections apart from HIV; and (b) if not, why not.
Mr Ong Ye Kung: The Ministry of Health (MOH) implemented anonymous Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) testing to encourage at-risk individuals to come forward for HIV testing. This was necessary as at-risk individuals might be deterred by the requirement to notify MOH of the case details of a positive result under the Infectious Diseases Act (IDA).
Personal identifiers are not required for the notification of other sexually transmitted infections under IDA, namely, syphilis, gonorrhoea and chlamydia.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"HDB Policy Governing Setting Up of CARE Fridge Facilities at Void Decks","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WA","content":"7 Mr Leong Mun Wai asked the Minister for National Development (a) whether any rent is being charged by HDB for the placement of the People's Action Party Marine Parade Branch CARE Fridge at a HDB void deck; and (b) what is HDB's policy regarding the setting up of such facilities at HDB void decks.
Mr Desmond Lee: Town Councils are responsible for managing the use of common property in Housing and Development Board (HDB) estates. HDB does not collect any rent for the use of common property, including the placement of the \"Marine Parade CARE Fridge\" at Block 46 Marine Crescent.
HDB has broad guidelines for the placement of movable items in HDB common areas. These include ensuring that thoroughfares remain unobstructed and taking into account disamenities and impact to the local community, including residents and businesses. These guidelines help keep common areas in HDB estates accessible for the enjoyment and benefit of the community.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Publication and Distribution of Newsletters to Residents by People's Association and Subsidiary Organisations","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WA","content":"8 Mr Leong Mun Wai asked the Minister for Culture, Community and Youth (a) how many different printed newsletters for residents are being produced by the People's Association and its subsidiary organisations such as the Community Development Councils; (b) what is the total cost of publishing and distributing these newsletters; and (c) whether residents who prefer digital subscriptions or are not interested can opt out of receiving these newsletters.
Mr Edwin Tong Chun Fai: Newsletters and other publications serve to communicate information to and raise awareness for our residents. These usually include information on national initiatives as well as local programs. Publications also help facilitate residents' feedback to and communication with their local grassroots organisations and volunteers.
The types and formats of such publications, whether in physical form or digital, as well as the nature of their content and form of distribution, would depend on various factors, such as the specific purpose of the publication, taking into account the type of information and the profile of the local community to whom the publication is directed. Each Grassroots Organisation (GRO) or Community Development Council (CDC) will decide on the publications it wishes to make, taking into account the above. We do not track each newsletter that is published.
Residents can consult with their respective local GROs, CDCs or grassroots leaders on these publications.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Number of Migrant Workers Who Recovered Their Monies in Kickback Cases in Last Five Years","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WA","content":"9 Ms Hazel Poa asked the Minister for Manpower in respect of cases of kickbacks paid by migrant workers, in the last five years, how many victims have recovered their monies (i) in full (ii) partially and (iii) not at all, respectively.
Dr Tan See Leng: The Ministry of Manpower (MOM) captures information on restitution to victims of kickbacks when they are made during the course of MOM's investigations. Based on the cases in the second half of 2024, 42 of the 63 migrant workers (67%) who were victims of kickback offences received full restitution while seven workers (11%) received partial restitution during MOM's investigations. The remaining 14 workers (22%) had not received any restitution by the end of MOM's investigations.
For cases that are subsequently prosecuted, the Courts may order defendants to make restitution to victims if they have yet to do so.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"WICA Cases Which Took More Than A Year to Process","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WA","content":"10 Ms Hazel Poa asked the Minister for Manpower for each of the last five years (a) how many cases under the Work Injury Compensation Act (WICA) have taken more than a year to process; and (b) what percentage of all WICA cases do they represent.
Dr Tan See Leng: About 96.3% of claims made under the Work Injury Compensation Act (WICA) from 2020 to 2024 were resolved within one year after the claims were filed. The remaining 3.7% took one year or more due to the extended time taken for medical treatment or the processing of complex cases. The breakdown is provided in Table 1 below.
11 Mr Louis Ng Kok Kwang asked the Minister for Manpower (a) in each of the past five years, how many salary claims have been filed by work permit holders at the employment claims tribunal; (b) how many of these salary claims have also included complaints that employers (i) have not provided itemised payslips and (ii) have not paid employees electronically; and (c) if such data is unavailable, whether the Ministry will start collecting such data.
Dr Tan See Leng: In the last five years from 2020 to 2024, an average of around 120 salary claims were filed by Work Permit holders at the Employment Claims Tribunals each year. We do not track if these salary claims include complaints that employers (i) have not provided itemised payslips and (ii) have not paid employees electronically.
The Ministry of Manpower (MOM) has other sources of data, such as complaints and proactive inspections, to track breaches in these areas. From 2020 to 2024, MOM investigated an average of around 40 employers each year for non-provision of itemised payslips and failure to pay salaries via electronic means for their work permit holders, and took enforcement action against errant employers. MOM will continue to monitor the situation and take measures to ensure compliance.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null},{"startPgNo":0,"endPgNo":0,"title":"Number of FWA Requests from Caregivers and Employees Rejected Since 1 April 2024","subTitle":null,"sectionType":"WA","content":"12 Miss Rachel Ong asked the Minister for Manpower (a) whether the Ministry has information on how many Flexible Work Arrangement (FWA) requests have been rejected since 1 April 2024; (b) if so, how many rejected requests have come from caregivers, including parents; and (c) how many employees have approached TAFEP or NTUC for recourse in situations where employers did not consider their FWA request.
Dr Tan See Leng: The Tripartite Guidelines on Flexible Work Arrangement (FWA) Requests, which took effect on 1 December last year, aim to help employers and employees navigate discussions about FWAs and arrive at mutually beneficial arrangements.
Employers are required to consider FWA requests submitted by their employees based on business grounds and communicate the outcome of their assessment to the employees. Employers and employees are not required to report the outcomes of the FWA requests to the Ministry of Manpower.
Employees who feel that their FWA requests are not properly considered may approach the Tripartite Alliance for Fair and Progressive Employment Practices (TAFEP) for assistance. To date, TAFEP has not received any case that requires TAFEP to engage employers for non-adherence to the Tripartite Guidelines.
","clarificationText":null,"clarificationTitle":null,"clarificationSubTitle":null,"reportType":null,"questionCount":null,"footNotes":null,"footNoteQuestions":null,"questionNo":null}],"writtenAnswersVOList":[],"writtenAnsNAVOList":[],"annexureList":[{"annexureID":2772,"sittingDate":null,"annexureTitle":"Annex 1","filePath":"d:/apps/reports/solr_files/20250303/annex-Annex 1.pdf","fileName":"Annex 1.pdf","sectionType":"OS","file":null}],"vernacularList":[{"vernacularID":6489,"sittingDate":null,"vernacularTitle":"Vernacular Speech by Ms Sim Ann","filePath":"d:/apps/reports/solr_files/20250303/vernacular-Sim Ann MFA 3Mar2025-Chinese_MFA.pdf","fileName":"Sim Ann MFA 3Mar2025-Chinese_MFA.pdf"},{"vernacularID":6490,"sittingDate":null,"vernacularTitle":"Vernacular Speech by Dr Mohamad Maliki Bin Osman","filePath":"d:/apps/reports/solr_files/20250303/vernacular-(Malay)_3 Mar 2025 - Reply (MFA) Maliki Osman - Part 1.pdf","fileName":"(Malay)_3 Mar 2025 - Reply (MFA) Maliki Osman - Part 1.pdf"},{"vernacularID":6491,"sittingDate":null,"vernacularTitle":"Vernacular Speech by Dr Mohamad Maliki Bin Osman","filePath":"d:/apps/reports/solr_files/20250303/vernacular-(Malay)_Maliki Osman, Reply (MFA) - 3 Mar 2025 - Part 2.pdf","fileName":"(Malay)_Maliki Osman, Reply (MFA) - 3 Mar 2025 - Part 2.pdf"}],"onlinePDFFileName":""}